AMERHIECLADN -AAT UUSNTIRVAELRISAINT YA SSCOLCUIBA TINOEWN YLOURNKCHEON TH JUNE 16
S ech by the Prime Mini1ster, the Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Menzie
Mr. Floyd Blair, the President of the American-
Au tralian Association has thrown a little bit of a fly over me
when he suggested in his introduction that I ought to talk about
ovrseas investment. But when I look around here and see so
max7 people who have a practical interest in investment in Australia,
I dare not say a word in case I spoil what is already very good.
Nor indeed would I have you suppose we sit and bite our nails and
cu se whatev3r measures may be taken in the United States because
though you may occasionally think to the contrary we do know
th re are other people in the world, and that other countries have
pr blems very frequently quite like our own.
You have a balance of payments problem that is by no
me ns to be laughed off one understands that. d4e have too,
pe iodically not that we have not had our flush periods in terms
of our overseas reserves. But the last year, and in the current,
or the anticipated financial year, there will be a good deal of rundow.
But, still, we are not going bankrupt, and for the sake of
thl world we hope just as much as you do to see an early recovery
oi the full strength of the dollar. This is, from the world's
po nt of view, a matter of outstanding importance. I know the
world has a great number of problems today. There are problems
of international liquidity. These are very individual problems
be ause some countries are much more affected than others.
Hoxever, my idea of a perfect paradise speaking as an Australian
wo ld be a position of absolutely rugged strength sterling, of
absolutely rugged strength for the dollar and a successful general
el ction. These are very simple requirements.
But I would like to yield to Mr. Blair's blandishments
in the other field and say something to you about Vietnam and
pT ase don't think that I am casting Australia for a great role
on this matter though I think we always do as well as we can.
I lso know, not being entirely a fool, that the practical contribut.
n of Australia to the struggle in Vietnam is widely understood
an well appreciated in the United States. Its value may be
pr ncipally symbolic, but it also is intrinsic and nobody is better
aw re than I am of the feeling which exists in many parts of the
Un ted States that you do not want to be cast in the role of the
wold's gendarme in perpetuity. You must become a little tired of
having so many people in the world saying, " WIell, they're the
gzoatest power. It's their responsibility. Let them attend to it."
Now, I want to emphasise that has never been the
a ; itude of my country, and never will be. We know you are a
stong and a great power. We know that your strength is of vital
si ificance to us. But we do not leave everything to you. We
ar) your junior partner and we propose to continue to be an active
on contributing one, recognising mutuality that attaches to
al engagements of friendship. This I think is something that,
of course, is understood but that needs never to be forgotten.
In the nineteenth century, Great Britain was beyond
qu stion the greatest power in the World. In those days her command
of the seas gave her in effect command of the world. And who are
we her children in Australia, to complain about this tremendous
inieritance. But all the time that Great Britain was the greatest
po er in the world, never let it be forgotten that she was probably ./ 2
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the most unpopular one. Tt must have been very difficult in thiose
days to go through Europe without encountering scepticism, dislike,
enm ty and jealousy, I do not need to define these things to ' you
because you are enjoying the benefit of them today. That is part
of the price of admiralty. you expect to have a word of thanks.
You don't get it and all I say to you is don't expect it. The
warld isn't like that. All you have to do is say one thing, and
I ow you do " We are the greatest power, and therefore we have
the greatest responsibility because power and responsibility will
alw ys tend to equate themselves."
That is why people look to you and look to you not in
va in, But I think what does need to be said is that a great
por is not cynically to be presumed to be acting about a matter
in ure narrow self-interest, I see that very great Frenchman,
General de Gaulle, made a speech yesterday.... Anything I say
abaut him must be said with profound respect because he has been
a great and famous man and has done in his time great things for
his own country. But when he goes on record as saying that
America is engaged in a " dirty business" in Vietnam, then I really
thi Ifkta e have reached the limit.
4hy are you in Vietnam? This is my favourite question
i.* thenever I encounter the doubter and the sceptic. Why do you
sup pose the Airericans are in Vietnam? " For profit," 1 some fellow
saii to me one dayi Australia, " for profit". " Yes", I said.
" It's a new conception of profit. You've added a new meaning to
a wbrd in the dictionary I compliment you".
Souh VetWell, why? iBecause, in the short run, is the freedom of
Souh ienam essential to the freedom of California? I don't
suppose so. No. Is it because the freedom of South Vietnam is
not unimportant to your friends in Australia? I know that you think
ot' jthat but this is not the essence of it. You know, I may be
the most naive fellow at the age of 70) and having been a Prime
Minister far an awful long time I ough,, to have got aver any of
teerather boyish attributes; I may be extraordinarily simpleminded.
But I think what is going on in South Vietnam is one of
the greatest demonstrations by this country of the loftiness of
its responsibilities that I have ever seen. This is a matter of
vas~ t importance. Why?
Because it has to do with freedom. People say freedom
is amuch abused word, 7 it is a sentimental word. It may be much
abused, but there is nothing very sentimental about freedom, about
humn freedom because human freedom has a sort of universal quality
abaut it. I am concerned about my human freedom in Australia.
Bu theyoung man round the corner in Saigon, he's concerned about
his~ human freedom. It is the same kind of human freedom-that we are
con cerned about and the same that you are concerned about.
~ Jh~ neerfreedom is struck down anywhere in the world, we feel the
impact of it because our own freedom has to that extent been
re duced. No matter for whom the bell tolls, it tolls far thee.
That is the essence of it.
In my opinion, freedom is one of the great innate
attributes of human nature and it is therefore universal in its
inrer aspects. It is not divisible. You cannot sell out on the
freedom of one country and think you have protected the freedom
of your own. Freedom is not divisible. Freedom is not expendable.
Thdugh I do not want to appear to be using words of extravagance
on this matter, we are, in our way, in South Vietnam for the same
reasans you are in South Vietnam because we both believe that
this is not merely a battle against the people who happen to be
communists ( that has got merit in itself) but this is a battle
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fori the defence of things that have just as much validity in
Okip homa or Canberra as they have in Saigon. This is a matte'
of the freedom of human beings.
Let us elaborate a little on that. If we have a
stra ggle of this kind and we have agreed that itts not just a
straiggle against something but for something, what is it for?
What are these principles that we are concerned about? One-of
the, if I may be so old-fashioned as to remind you, is the-right
of every nation to its own sovereign independence, not to be
pus aed around by other people and not to be nibbled away by
subfrersion the almost divine right of every nation to have its
osovereignty. I get very annoyed with conferences here and there
1he somebody wants to discuss the internal affairs of some other
cou try and I have a fixed principle each country has a right
to un its own internal affairs in its own fashion and not to be
interfered with by bu~ sybodies. You cannot run your own affairs
unl~ ss you have a recognition of your free sovereignty unless
you~ are free from aggression, from attack and from undermining.
Now, it is this divine right of men to live free from
agg~ ression, free from unprovoked violence living in their own
homes in their own country without fear ol attack, which is one
of he great human rights and it is because these humaan rights
are the same wherever vie lve that we find ourselves in a common
cau o. Mow, I hope I am establishing i. n your own minds what
I a~ n trying to establish the freedom of my country. OJe are
righit out there on the end of the line. Suppose the United States
had~ done what some people would Lñ ave had you do stood clear.
I wo) nder how long South Vietnama would remain an independent
country. I wonder how long it would be able to resist being
ove rrun by Ho Chin Minh in the North and ultimate], y by Communist
Chi a. I wonder how long Not too long, one might suppose.
And~ if South Vietnam went how long do we suppose Thailand could
sta ~ d unaided because if it were a bad thing to go into South
Viet. nam, it would be an equally bad thing to go in to defend
Tha land or an equally bad thing to go in to defend Laos. I tell
you I can see this murkyr shadow 0coming down over the whole of the
South-East Asian peninsula, pointing first at Malaysia, then at
Indonesia with all the strange things that go on in that country,
and Ithen across a strip of water to my own land, These are
tremnendously important things. Our freedom and not just our
freedom is part of that total freedom which your country has
refi sed to abandon.
I Really, it is essential to come back to the original
que~ tion which I always put to myself. Why is America in South
Vie nam? What would be the position if she were not? What would
be the impact on the world's history? I do not want to see a state
of iffairs well, I will not be here anyhow but I do not want
my children or grandchildren to see a state of affairs in which
fre,. dom is in an embattled position in the United States of
Aine. ica and has disappeared in most of the other countries of the
worL d, This would not do because freedom is universal.
Freedom is not divisible. Freedom is something that you cannot
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sell out and attacks upon which you cannot appease. It is
something which vhen it is successfully defended has such things
ito say to the human heart and the human mind, lights such fires
iln them that all around the world the defence of freedom will
inmd itself justified by the high feelings of free people who
now that they have been delivered and who therefore live in
hope. That is a pretty long sort of sermon. But I really
intended to say to you, on behalf of my own country, that we
aire vastly indebted to the United States for its stand on these
natters. I am certain that all the people of the free world are
tlstly indebted. You will have critics, you will have grumblers,
~ ou will have doubters, but in the long run, perhaps not in the
xry long run, I think you may feel that you are the actors and
~ he spokesmain for an almost unanimous free world opinion.