ASIAN TOUR 1967 41~
HONG KONG 10AR16
PRESS CONFERENCE GIVEN BY TIM~ PRIMAE MINISPER9 QSIRAOV
MR. HAROLD HOLT 3RD APRIL,,_ 1967.
PRIME MINISTER: I think most of you are aware of the reasons
particula reasons anyhow why I am making this journey. It will
include, apart from this visit in transit to Hong Kong, the visits
I have already made to Laos and to Cambodia and from there we
proceed to Taiwan and South Korea.
Australia over recent years has become increasingly
involved in the affairs of this region of the world in a commercial
and trading sense particularly since the dramatic growth of our
trade with Japan. As striking evidence of that, vie have now become
the second or third largest customer for the export of Japanese
goods and Japan has now outstripped the United Kingdom as the
largest purchaser in value of Australian exports. But it is in
the military and diplomatic fields that we are also finding ourselves
increasingly involved in the affairs of the region and so, since
becoming Prime Minister, I have tried to develop a closer and better
knowledge of the countries, the leaders and the peoples within the
area and to manifest Australia's growing interest by my own presence
and that of members of my official party,
Last year, I went to the centres where Australia had its
own forces operating, whether in South Vietnam in direct military
operations or in other places such as Malaysia, where we have
people on station in the strategic reserve, or in Borneo where,
at that time, they were serving in aid of Malaysian forces in
coping with the Indonesian Confrontation Policy. This year I
have sought to round off that sariee of visits by including the
countries which I have not previously visited in this area, and
once I ha, v e completed this tour, I think, with the exception of
Mainland China, I will just about have covered the field. But
there is no specific political purpose, I mean I am not here to
negotiate treaties or enter into any special agreements
with any of the countries concerned, as you will gather from the
composition of the two countries pursuing official policies of
neutrality, and South Korea which has joined with us in forming
part of the friendly forces engaged ini support of the South
Viotnamese, and Taiwan with which Australia has had a long
friendship and a growing trade connection.
So it is, as you will gather, not a simple uncomplicated
pattern of visits, but the prime purpose is to get to know the
countries better, make Australian policies better known to them.
An,* there is, I think, an indirect consequence which is of
considerable value to us. Thanks to the assistance we received
from people like yourselves, the countries and peoples and their
problems are made increasingly known to my fellow countrymen in
Australia as a result of these visits.
Now, perhaps having said that I could try to cope with
any questions you may have.
Q. Mr. Holt, would you say it is safe to say, that
Australia is becoming now, more and more Asia conscious and
possibly might even want to get into Asia in a way of speaking?
P. M. Wiell, vie are in Asia in a very practical and realistic
fashion. We are not only in Asia geographically and a certain part
of South East Asia, but the ullustration I have given of the growth
of Asia, the involvement of military forces, the increasing
participation of Australians in the various instrumentalities such
as ASPAC, the Asian Development Bank, SEATO, and ANZUS treaty
arrangements these are an i'llustration of active Australian
particiaation in the affairs of Asia. So it is not so much a case
/ 2.
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of becomiing involved in the work for the first time there has
been an increase in the degree of participation. This doesn't
imply that vwe have diminishied our interest in other areas of the
world. Later in the year I shall be making visits to Canada for
the Australian participation in Expo 67 and in the course of that
will be making a visit to Washington and also to London
Waahington and London still being, of course, the principal centres
of diplomatic interest for my country.
Q. You put a great deal of stress on trade but a number of
people in other Asian countries are somewhat disturbed by what is
referred to generally as the White Australia policy I refer to
immigration.
P. M. Well in my experience, that conccrn is manifested more
by representatives of the press than by representatives of the
government concerned. I find on behalf of the governments
concerned, an intelligent appreciation of Australia's attitude and
the basis for its policy. I think too, there is an inadequate
realisation of the liberalisation of the policy which has occurred
over recent years. Just to illustrate that, there are some thirty
thousand people who have come into Australia in the years since the
war and -\: lould not have been eligible to enter Australia under the
rules and arrangements which applied prior to that time. There
are at this time some twelve thousand students from countries of
Asia in Australian universities and colleges. Same six thousand
Asian citizens over recent years have become fully naturalised
Australian subjects. Any Asian who marries in Australia several
do they enter Australia with full rights as residents, their
children are full citizens of Australi. So there refmains a
degree of misconception about the policy and its operation. And
the liberalised arrangements make provision also for people to
be admitted ,. ho can make a contribution to Australia's growth
development I think that when one considers the numbers involved
and the manner in which citizens of Asia are currently received in
Australia, it will be seen there has been a considerable liberalisation.
It was said not long ago in my presence, and I think it
is a fact, that there is no country in the world in w--hich a citizen
of Asia or a citizen of a country in Africa would find themselves
better or more comfortably treated as they would in Australia,
outside of their own country. This would be their experience and
this is echoed by the students and others who come to the country.
We find that on their return they are the best ambassadors we can
hope for in building better relations with my country.
Q. Prime Minister Holt, during your talks with Prince
Sihanouk did he give you the impression that Cambodia might be
willing to re-establish diplomatic relations with the U. S.?
P. M. Well, my talks with Prince Sihanouk were private and
confidential talks. It is not part of my purpose to narrate
publicly what passed between us. If he wishes to make any
comment about the talks, that of course, is within his province
to do so, but I regard the discussion as a confidential one and
I wouldn't feel free to narrate.
Q. W~ ell, did you get the impreosion that Cambodia might
now be willing to resume contact a~ ith the U. S.?
P. M. Well, I don't think this is other than trying to present
the question in a slightly different form, as you have done.
Prince Sihanouk has made it publicly clear that his country pursues
a policy of neutrality and non alignment. I believe he wishes to
proceed on a basis of friendship and peace with other countries of
the world, but I don't want to put into hiis mouth, words which he
is quite capable of expressing himself. e s/ 3
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Q. Acting in the interests of the United States, which you
did in Cambodia, were any messages exchanged throui'i the Australian
Embassy or throughi yourself?
PM. If you mean, did I purport or attempt to convey messages
from any other government, the answer is a simple no, and I don't
want to go any further than that in any reference to what passed
between Prince Sihanouk and myself. We had a most valuable and
interesting talk together running over an hour and three quarters.
I am quite certain that he w4ouldn't have talked as freely as he
did unless he felt confident in what passed between us. He
expreased a basis of respect of mutual confidence and that is the
basis on which I wish to treat it.
Q. Mr. Holt you canft consider giving us detailed information
about your talks in Cambodia. What about the other countries you
did visit, did any really significant, really important points
emerge7
P. M. Well, I don't want to imply that nothing really important
emerged in Cambodap. It was a most important visit, a very valuable
one. I came away myself with a much clearer appreciation, I believe,
of the basis of policy in Cambodia. I hadn't realised previously
the intense feeling in -the country for the retention of the Khmner
tradition, the separate identity of Cambodia related to a historic
past goin,~ back over many centuries, and it became more readily
understandable to me why Cambodia had been following the particular
line it has in its foreign policies over recent years.
The only other country so far that I have visited has
been Laos, and -there we had a special interest based on the strategic
importance of the country in relation to the security of South East
Asia generally. The fact that Australia has been a contributor of
aid in useful diroctions there, has been a good basis of friendship
between our two countries and I was glad to build on this by the
personal contacts I made with the King and Prime Minister and other
leaders of the country. The impression gained there encouraged me
to say something on this aspect of propa, anda, which we have to face
so frequently from communist sources, that the programmes of aid
and processes of aid are those producing a brand of neo-colonialism.
And I attempted to deal with that directly by referring to the
situation of Laos as illustrating the importance and the values of
these programmes of aid. Here is a country which is able to preserve
its identity, is able to improve its material circumstances, is able
to make itself more secure in a military sense because friends with
goodwill and of no ulterior purpose have made resources available
to them, and given them support.
Here is a country which haj had to face the ravages of
man and the ravages of nature under conditions of great difficulty
for many years. And without this kind of aid, then the oldest
colonialism of all, the enslavement to the age-old enemnies of
mankind of ill health, pover ty, illiteracy, lack of securitsy
in onets national affairs these things would be perpetuated,
I believe, as a result of the kind of aid that countries of
goodwill are giving to Laos, vie will help to overcome what
otherwise would be an enslavement to the past and a chaining
to these backward destructive processes.
Q. Mr. Holt, speaking of Cambodia there waa a story
in the press to the effect that Prince Siliianouk had more or less
admitted to you the fact that North Vietnam was flying troops and
materials to South Vietnam through the country of Cambodia and
that he, or his government, would make efforts to cease tjaat.
Is that so?
P. M. I can see that you won't take no for an answer, because
I have already said I have no intention of publicly indicating
what passed privately between us. 0 0/ 40
4
Q. How would you account for that story getting out then?
P. M. I would have to be accountable for every story which
appears in the press relating either to myself, my-discussions
or those of other people. I learned with some amusement shortly
after leaving Australia that I was limping my way through my
Asian tour as a result of some injuries I sustained in the water
in Australia. I had a couple of abrasions but I thought I was
getting along without noticeable defects in my pedestrian,
Q. Excuse me Mr. Halt, would you be interested in the
possibility of increased armed commitment in Vietnam and
particularly after Air Marshal Ky's visit to your country?
P. M. We have already indicated publicly the extent of our
military participation and we have no plans to increase that at
the present time.
Q. Don't you find it rather embarrassing, Mr. Holt, that
while Australia is committed in Vietnam, her racial partner
Britain is not committed. Whereas Britain seeks American support
in Europe. Is it not embarrassing? ( The main portion of the
text of this question was unintelligible due to badly spoken
English).
P. M. No, I don't find it embarrassing. Australia is an
independent country capable of adopting independent attitudes
in its foreign policies as of course is the United Kingdom and
Canada, India and other members of the Commonealth of Nations.
Australia, in pursuit of its own interests and in support of
principles which it has supported by military participation in
two world wars, in Korea, in Malaysia in resisting Indonesian
Confrontation, has come with other fitiendly forces in support
of the South Koreans ( Vietnamese?) in resisting what we believe
to be a communist inspired agreesion in that country. Our
reasons, I think, have been made clear enouGh for the
participation. The Australian electorate wihere this was foughtas
an outstanding issue of the last eledtioa campaign
overwhelmingly endorsed the Government's policy in this direction,
and the visiting Prime Minister Ky highlighted not only issues
but the fact of Australian support for South Vietnam.
Yes, but it is said that Britain is interested in
retaining American support in Europe so is Australia interested
in retaining American presence in Asia, this is in direct result
of her maintaining her military presence in Asia. Do you
subscribe to this view?
P. M. Well, I find it rather an involved question. I have
tried to indicate why it is that Australia is participating.
I repeat, we are quite capable of making up our owin minds as
to what we should do on these issues, and each country of course
consults its own interests. But in Australia's case, our own
interests also include our presence in what we hope would be a
more peaceful and more secure world. We have not waited for
these threats to come to our shore in the past, if we felt the
peace of -the world w.. as threatened. We fought in two world wars,
as you mentioned, many thousands of miles away from our own shores.
Much of the fighting in which we have participated since has been
conducted a long Way from Australia.
Q. Mr. Prime Minister, are you encouraged by the free
world's military position in Vietnam' 4
P. M. I think it has greatly improved, yes, even since I was
in Saigon myself. At that time I came back and expressed my
confidence that the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese could
not win the military confliat there. Events which have occurred
since then, I think, have produced a considerable improvement in
the position of the South Vietnamese and those supporting them.
ot. / 5
Q. By this do you imply Mr. Premier, that you expect a
political solution or a military solution. The Viet Cong won't
win militarily, that means they won't be defeated militarily.
P. M. I have always felt that for a satisfactory solution
which had any prospect of enduring, there had to be a political
solution, I predicted when I came back from Saigon about a year
ago, that as the Viet Cong were forced either into a retreat or
were defeated in the military sense, they would tend to concentrate
more on guerrilla activities and put pressure perhaps on other
countries outside of South Vietnam itself. And I based that
judgement on what has occurred in Malaysia where, for ma~ ny years,
a comparatively few guerrillas wiere able to occupy the attention
of very much larger forces at very great expense. So that to
achieve a military victory or a series of victories against massed
and organised military forces of Viet Cong and North Vietnamese
would not produce the abiding solution unless as a result of this,
or accompanying it, there were a political solution also.
Q. ( Indistinct, but concerning peace talks for Vietnam)
P. M. It is true that attempts have proved abortive but that
doesn't mean that the attempts should be abandoned. Australia
has supported thle attempts made to find a solution which would
produce a just and enduring peace. In my own experience, which
is not only in the external field, but as a former Minister for
Labour dealing with communist led unions, I found that, although
you seem to be up against a brick wall in negotiation and it
becomes an impasse, once the communists themselves come to the
conclusion that it is no longer profitable to pursue their tactics,
you can get a quite dramatic switch you know, without regard to
consistency or logic or anything that has been said previously as
to where they.-stood. And contemporary history is studded with
instances of this kind, from the Berlin crisis onwards.
Q. ( Indistinct but -to the effect,: Do you expect a shift
in American policy as a result of the Presidential Elections or a
dramatic change in the military climate?)
P. M. I don't see that the American elections should affect
the basic situation because, after all, there have been three
American Presidents in succession and coming from different sides
of the political spectrum in the United States who have all
consistently supported American involvement in support of the
South Vietnamese. I would think that any American Presidential
Candidate who stood on a platform of abandoning the South
Vietnamese or retreating from the conflict before a just peace
had been discovered would poll very poorly in the United States.
Q. Mr. Holt, do you think we might bring Hanoi closer
to the conference table a little quicker if the air war against
North Vietnam was escalated.
P. M. I am not offering a military judgement on these matters.
We have supported the tactics pursued by those who are more expert
in the military field and I don't wiant to offer a technical comment
on a technical point of aspect.
Your External Affairs Minister made the point here last
week that the bombing of North Vietnam was a question of military
necessity. Do you imply now that military pressure would mean a
military solution ( rest of questio,:, indistinct).
P. M. I think a military solution is much more likely to lead
to a political solution than the absence of military pressure.
This could drag on indefinitely unless the other side were to
Comes to the conclusion that the game wasn't worth the candle. / 6.
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Q. Thailand announced recently that they were going to take
a more active part in the war. To what-degree has this move been
prompted or even pressed by the allies.
P. M. Again, the Thai people are quite capable of making up
their own minds as to the course they should follow. Itve had
some interesting~ discussions myself in Thailand and at the Manila
Conference and in Australia, where we had a visit from the Prime
Minister of Thailand, his Foreig.-n Minister and one or two of his
other colleagues last year, and Pote Sarasin, and I am well aware
from these discussions that Thailand is very conscious of' the
threat of communist expansion it has to cope with itself, with
communist guerrilla activity within its own borders, and it believes
the policies being followed by those supporting South Vietnam are
policies more likely to produce peace and stability, economic
development in South East Asia, than surrender to the pressure of
the communists.
Q. How do you expect SEATO to function when it has fallen
flat on its nose thanks to its ( word indistinct) How do you account
for this?
P. M. I find there is still considerable value in SEATO and
discussions together with those -who participate in SEATO have
produced valuable exchanges of views and can lead to co-operative
action in various directions. I don't think that it should be
assumed there is no continuing virtue in SEATO. That is certainly
not the view of my Government nor would it be the view of either
the American or British Governments.
Qb When do you expect the next escalation in the Vietnam
War will be? I wouldn't like to offer an opinion on this. These are
matters largely of military judgement. We respect the judgement
of our military advisers. Theirs is th responsibility of securing
the necessary degree of military victory to produce the result.
Q. Do you think it could be the bombing of power plants in
( word indistinct Haiphong?).
P. M. No, I don't propose to speculate on that. These are
matters, of course, which are discussed between governments
and I have no desire to conjecture publicly.
Q. There have been repeated calls that the bombing should
be stopped and even this would be a stimulant to peace. Do I take
it Sir, the bombing would produce this stimulant?
P. M. We have had no encouragement frora past experience when
there has been a cessation in thie bombing. The other side have
employed these respites to build up their own supplies, accelerate
the movement of troops and President Johnson has made it abundantly
clear that the bombing would be stoppedL if Ithere was a sign of
genuine willingness on the part of the other side to abandon their
aggression, to cease infiltration, to cease the movement of supplies.
But so far there has been no encouraging signs that this would occur.
Q. How about your trip to Taiwan? Is this the first time
you have been there?
P. M. The only other visit to Taiwan was purely incidental,
almost repeated on this occasion by bad weather. I was en route
to Tokyo and scheduled to land here iii Hong Kong but bad weather
caused us to be diverted and I didn't leave the airport, so I can
hardly say it was a visit to Taiwan. For all substantial purposes
this will be my first visit to Taiwan. 0
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What will be your talks with Gover'nment officials?
Will they be more on trade or more politioal2
P. M. The princoipal purpose from my point of view, as I said$
earL. 4r, is to inform my own mind, to get to kniow the leaders of
these countries that I am visiting personally, to concentrate a
certain degree of' attention by my own countrymen on these conries
and their problems. This is a consequence of the visits, but there
is no special purpose, no concealed purpose as far as I am concerned.
Q. What are your vieww on U Thant's proposal on unilateral
cease fire in Vietnam?
P. M. I thought I had already indicated that we fcmxd no
encowmgement from our past experience to adopt such a course, in
the absence of an expressed willingness on the part of the other
side to reciprocate.
Q. Is Australia " All the way with IL. B. J."?
I would just like to comment on that, because it suited
my political opponents to give a -twist to that statement which of
course w~ as never intended. We have been consistently with America
in relation to South Vietnam. On other matters Australia has its
own independent mind, and follows its own mind.