ROYAL COMMONWEALTH SOCIETY LUNCHEON
LONDON 8th September 1 966.
Speech by the Erime. Ministeir Mr Harold Holt
Your Grace, Ladies and Gentlemen
Our Chairman and I have attended a number of Commonwealth
gatherings, usually uncomfortable, but by no means as agreeable as this
meeting we have in company with you today, and I speak a little feelingly
because I think I've spent one of the more uncomfortable of my mornings
in the service of the Commonwealth this morning at the Prime Minister's
Conference; One of our delegates has been going for a couple of hours and
is still in play. I don't mean to keep you anything as long as that, and indeed
I felt that thiere were about three matters that I could hope to cover and then
at question time perhaps we will supplement and broaden out a bit what I've
been sayin-y or touch on other matters which could be of interest to you.
The three things I thought I would canvamwith you today would be
first the contrast which exists and I speak now not as an old Prime Minister
but as an old campaigner whose first ministry was in 1939 and attended the
first of the Post-War Prime Ministerial Conferences when the New Commonwealth
was emerging. And there is a contrast, of course, to be painted between the
conditions under which Prime Minister Conferences were held then and how they are
held at this time. The second thing was to say something quite briefly about Rkodesia.
which quite clearly is the dominating issue of the Conference briefly, because
we are still in discussion on it and I've not yet made any comment myself in the
Conference. although I would have hoped to do so this afternoon. but for the
rather lengthy contribution which seems to have absorbed most of the working
time so far today. The third aspect which I hope to have time to touch on arises from
some of the things I've been reading. more particularly over recent months
following a couple of visits I made to Washington.
I'd always re~ arded myself as a fairly staunch supporter of the
Commonwealth of Nations and, in particular. of the British -Australian coqnection.
but I see myself described by some as having sold out to the United States or
having thrown in my lot with America. Well, of course. there are some very good
reasons why Australia should be close to the United States, which you will
appreciate, but I would hope to find time to tell you something of the continuing
link which exists between this country and Australia, not merely links of sentimentalthough
these are powerful but material links of trade, mutual problems of
security in the area, and other matters of that sort.
Now, firstly, contrasts between the Commonwealth Conference as
I first knew it. when one could gather all the delegates into No. 10 Downing Street.
It was, of course, in those days a white Commonwealth Conference; there were
no difficult racial problems to concern ourselves with. The delegations fitted
comfortably into No. 10, the discussions were cosy and intimnate, from men of
like -minded views on the problems of the world. It was all very agreeable and
it helped to knit us together very closely indeed, and there is today. of course,
a quite remarkable contrast as a result of the evolution that has gone on since
the second world war. / 2
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The new Commonwealth was given its first expression in the
Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Conference of 1948 when we had
India Pakistan and Ceylon added to the former white and aaropean racial team.
but since that time of course, there has been the proliferation of other
membership and also certain changes inside the composition of the old
Commonwealth with the result that as we sit round the table at the present
time there are the four old Commonwealth countries of European racial
derivation rhe United Kingdom Canada, Australia and New Zealandand
with the full teamn there would be 19 others from Asia and from Africa
and other parts of the world. There are 22 Delegations represented at this
Conference, quite a good muster considering the subject matters to be discussed,
but one of the questions which we shall all be asking ourselves increasingly as
time goes on is a sort of mental debit and balance sheet so far as the Commonwealth
is concerned. I know that there are many people that have their doubts about the
continuing value of the Commonwealth, some of them outside this country and
some of them inside it, and I don't think we have been assisted in forming an
objective judgment by those who arrive on these shores threatening to withdraw
unless their terms are acceded to. This, not unnaturally, provokes a reaction
amongst many people inside this country that the United Kingdom might be more
comfortably placed without such ungenerous or unfriendly or critical associates
inside the Commonwealth. Now I think bath of these developments are to be
regretted. They are both, in a sense, understandable and it calls on our
patience, our wisdom, our tolerance to see them in their true perspective.
But if there are to be these uncomfortable problems in an uncomfortable world.
perhaps we are better off and I incline to that view myself subject to what
emer-yes in the course of the next few days we are, I believe, better off having
these exchanges, however searching and even acrimonious around our own table,
able to round off the sharp edges of discus nion with the personal and intimate
contacts we have outside the conference room itself. That surely is to be
preferred to the alternative of long-distance exchanges; either at the United
Nations or some other international forum.
I'm quite certain that the Commonwealth has been a force for good
in the years which have preceded our present situation. It has and I speak as
a veteran parliamentarian who has attended many Commonwealth Conferences in
the Parliamentary field, and quite a number of conferences of Prime Ministers
it has undoubtedly contributed to a better understanding of each other and our
problems. it has established personal contacts which have bred respect for the
other man's point of view, and has developed a better and more realistic
appreciation of his national position and so all these things are advantages.
But on the other hand must be weighed the cost to the United Kingdom in terms
of international confidence. If it is to be a punch-bag for visiting delegations.
some questioning the good faith of the Government of the day, some asserting that
there are racial prejudices which are complicating the solution to these difficult
questions then it may well be that Great Britain pays a price in international
respect and confidence which is far outweighing the advantages which the
Commonwealth currently brings to it.
These are matters of judgment which can be resolved. I think more
fittingly by a United Kingdom Government weighing up the ' Pros and Cons' than
by those of us who can take a rather more objective view of what lines of criticism
are being developed against this country. But I've heard a great deal in recent days
which I believe is neither fair to this country and is not practical in the political
measurement that we bring to policies directed at particular problems.
Now, just to give an illustration surely the best and most effective
answer to any charge that the United Kingdom has allowed racial prejudice
to distort its view of these questions is the nature of the gathering in which we
participate at this present time. As I said, it's not so long ago it was an
entirely white and European community of representatives European as to
race, at any rate and outlook. But by the de~ iberate choice of those who were. 1.3
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at that time the members of the Commonwealth and, in particular, in response to
British leadership, we have seen emerge the Commonwealth of Nations multiracial,
representative of all the national groupings at least all types of
national groupings, differing creeds, all the differences which we are conscious
of, those of us who have an enthusiasm for the Commonwealth or have attempted
to contribute to its continuance and successful operation. These are the cliches
of Commonwealth, in a sense.
We know that embraced in our membership is about a quarter of the
world's population covering about a fift'i of the world's total area, and it would be
a remarkable and welcome achievement if over the period of years we could
demonstrate to the rest of the world tiiat this multi-racial association succeeds,
that it has brought people closer together, it has helped to solve difficult
international problems and it has promoted economic progress. national
security and a general situation of peace. Now these are the great objectives of
our Commonwealth community and it would be, I believe, a tremendous sacrifice
of aspiration if. because of irritation or our own frustrations or, indeed, the
irritations and frustrations of other members of the Commonwealth we were to
find withdrawals or damage being done to the structure of such magnitude that the
Commonwealth ' lid not possess a continuing existence and a hopeful future. And
so over the critical days which lie ahead of this particular conference I hope that
these thoughts will be uppermost in the minds of the Delegates. and that they
shall apply the test of what is fair, what is practical, to the suggestions and
solutions which come to us around the table.
Now the second matter that I wanted to mention was a passing
reference to the question of Rhodesia and~ here. perhaps, is the illustration of
my comment that much of what I have heard has been neither fair nor practical.
When the United Kingdom's own good faith is brought into question in this matter,
those who make these charges I believe ignore the relationship which has existed
over the years between the United Kingdom and Rhodesia.
When it is urged that force be employed then, in my view. that is
an impractical course. I would very much question whether a Parliament in
the United Kingdom would give support to a Government which directed force
against the people Rhodesia when the possibility of other solutions had certainly
not been fully exhausted.
We in my own country have seen this as a special problem between
the United Kingdom and its former colony, but we have, for our part subscribed
to the programme of sanctions which was agreed upon and our current
arrangem ents apply to about 96 percent of our former imports from Rhodesia.
But there is, I believe, in this issue a test of the good se nse, a judgment of what
is practical and what is fair in relation to the United Kingdom itself, and when it
is known. as is the case of course, that the United Kingdom which could have
resolved this matter of itself and through its own policies has brought the
Commonwealth as a whole into conference with it, that again is I believe, a
substantial answer to any charge of bad faith or failure to deal with it in a
Commonwealth spirit.
I can't go over the ground of the Rhodesian issue in any detail because
the discussion is still before the Conference. I haven't spoken 012 it there, and
although our practices are changing, I think not necessarily for the better in
relation to public disclosures, I at least would like to say rather more to my
colleagues before I say a great deal on this in public. But perhaps it's
reflective of the changing situation, that I make that comment about the changing
procedures. In earlier times it was an intimate, confidential discussion with
Prime Ministers reporting back to their cabinets and the world hearing very
little about what went on beyond the rather sterle language of the communique.
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Well, all this has changed, I repeat not necessarily for the better, the
highest common denominator of agreement that we seemed to be able to work
out on this business was that Delegations aould roake known their own views to
the press, but were enjoined not to discuss the views expressed by others, and
as somebody said when this suggestion was made, " That's a counsel of perfection".
Well, we've now reached a point where, I gather, on one earlier occasion
I don't know whether it's repeated on this one. countries have engaged the services
of professional Public Relations Consultants. Obw heads of Delegations give
a direct interview to the Press following the contribution that they have made
inside and all this marks a contrast between what had gone before and the current
situation. But are we to condemn the whole system on account of what may seem to
some of us to be imperfection in its practice? Perhaps in the current state of the
world and with the sensitivity on these issues of race. of colonial evolution that
kind of public use made of what is regarded clearly by some as a political forum
or a means of national propaganda, this is part of the refriction on the machine in
modern times. But out of it all, although I confess that I came away from this
morning's discussion a little more pessimistic than when I went in about the future
of the Commonwealth. I've still retained in my own heart an optimism that when we
come to the end of the Conference talks we'll have felt that it has been of value to
have these frank exchanges together to carry away with us a mre realistic awareness
of how developments in particular countries are affecting the Governments of that
country or of zeighbouring countries and in this way at least assist towards a
more effective solution of the perplexing international problems which are vexing us
all in these difficult times.
Now let me turn from that because I'm not -unmindful of my undertaking
to answer some questions. Toput the question to myself I was just writing some
notes for this this morning. I did it in shorthand terms by Baying " How British
is Australia? I wouldn't have thought I had to ask myself that question but when I
read these Press commentaries that Australia is going through a metamorphosis of
ideas and attitudes and policies which is tending to weaken our link with this
country well this is I won't use the word ' nonsense' because there have been
changes of a quite important and material kind which I shall refer to but it
misreads the Australian situation altogether to imagine that there is not a strong
continuing link of affection and mutual interest between this country and our own.
it's not the same relationship which exists with our powerful friend the United
States. Th Srelation ship with the United States is a relationship of friendship, of
comradeship of mutual interest in that area of the world. The relationship with
this country is for most of us a relationship of family of kinship and there are
these different attitudes ' idach obtain as between friend and friend and between
members of a family and one is very conscious of it as we come here or as you
come out, as I hope you do. to see us.
But let's face quite realistically together some of the changes which
have been occurring. I refer first of all to immigration. It may interest you to
know that since the second world war a total of 2, 400. O J people in round figures
have come to Australia as long,-term or permanent arrivals. They haven't all
stayed there of course, but most of them have. by far the overwhelming proportion
of them have stayed there, and included in this total -and this is sometimes overlooked
is the fact that more than 5UJ percent of these arrivals have been British,
and so. Fithough in some ways you'll discover some changes in community living
in Australia we get better food and drink than we used to get ' Thanks to the
arrival of Italians and Greeks and Dutch and Germans and other nationalities
you can get almost any type of meal including Chinese and Japanese cooking as you
want it. Australia has at least on that account become a very much more delightful
place to live in but more than half, I repeat. of the immigration has been still
from the British Isles. A
Now this t-irmportant when I go on to the next detail, and that is
that of the people living in Australia today one in five has either been a post-war
migrant or the child of a post-war migrant, and when you get down to the younger
age groups say up to 30 or 35 or thereabouts the proportion becomes
significantly larger one in 4 of the young people in Australia would have been
either a migrant or the child of a migrant. Some people knowing these figures
have assumed from it a weakening of the British composition of the community
well. I give you the other figure again to offset that for you've provided us with
something more than half of the total and the tendency. of course. has been for
these other nationalities I've mentioned to make their useful and helpful
contribution at the cultural level, at the community level, in productive terms,
adding skilld and their own enterprise to the national effort, but the country is
still overwhelmingly a British community.
Now I don't say that its attitude tends to become more British in the
sense of emulating what goes on in the British Isles. If we're going axywhere we're
not going American, we're going Australian, and there is. I think a stronger sense
of nationalism a feeling of growing pride in Australia its achievements, its
potentialities, even its hazards as our own people see a larger place for themselves
in relation to the affairs of Asia, and this is certainly worth bearing in your mind if
you are to inderstand what is happening out there.
Now there's been a great deal of talk in this country, I know. about
what again has been described in shorthand terms as a defence policy east of
Suez, or a British effort east of Suez, and I've been myself irritating enough to
try to demonstrate to people in Governmental and other high places that this must
not be either overlooked, forgotten or ignored in relation to the future of this
country. Heaven knows, we all appreciate the burdens which the United Kingdom
has carried for the rest of the world, and I'm not seeking to add to those. We shall
be carrying ourselves a greater share of responsibility as we grow in strength as
we shall in the years ahead, and again our great ally in the Pacific, the United
States. in recent significant pronouncements from President Johnson has made it
clear that the United States sees for itself a continuing role in relation to economic
progress in Asia and the security of the free countries of Asia. You get a
reflection of this in a recently-formed association of countries, what we call the
Aspac Group, the Asian and South-East Asian group of countries, which have come
together for reasons of mutual interest. They include Japan. Thailand Korea,
Vietnam Malaysia, the Phillipines. Australia New Zealand, now which is the
9th? anyway there are 9 of us there in that area of the world. It's not a strong
defensive combination or intended as such but recognising that we have joint
interests in the successful development of t rade, of exchanges between our two
countries, no dominance by azy particular major power, but a recognition of
common interests making association desirable.
This is a quite remarkable contrast of course, with the situation of
a few years ago when Japan was the country that we had been fighting. Today our
trade with Japan is second only to that of the United Kingdom. By next year it
wl. certainly be our first customer n current trends. Just to give you one
illustration of the way in which our trade will be building in future years, we
currently have iron ore contracts negotiated with the Japanese to a value of
over one thousand million pounds sterling and these have yet to get fully under way
and we believe this to be only the beginning of a growing trade in this commodity so
basic and vital to the steel industry of Japan.
Our trade with that country, I think I can give you a figure or two on it,
has grown from about six million pounds in 1951 our imports in 1949-50 were
000, 000 sterling and our exports S19, 000, 000. iaasyear Itport
hld grahaft m 000, 000 to œ L 2, 000. 000 and exports from the
œ 19, 000, 000 to œ 188. 000, 000. Our trade through buth-East Asia and
Asia generally well, trade east of Suez has built up from 16 percent of our total
trade in 1951/ 52 to 33 percent in 1965/ 66 and the likelihood of that increasing is
established by trends in the trade curves with the various countries of the area.
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So, vYien you put allithese-things together I think you get somne explanation of
Aust~ alian attitudes which have seemed at this distance to reflect even a
change of orientation a change of sympathy and if not of allegiance at least of
association, but when you see the basis for these things, the security contribution
which the United States makes to us through our treaties under Anzus The
Australian and New Zealand Treaty with the United States and the Treaty
arr'angements made with this country and with the United States under the South
East Asia Treaty Organisation. these things quite clearly -have their impact on
Australian attitudes. This growth of trade on a quite dramatic scale with countries with
whom trade was almost non existent 10 or 15 years ago, this ap. in is effecting
the concentration of our outlook which was in my early days in public life almost
entirely directed towards the British Isles and Europe generally. These days at
least a large part of our attention is given to the possibilities developing for us to
our north, and of course out of trade and security arrangements there is a
growth of personal contact.
It was not entirely for the significance that has been attributed to it,
that my own first visit as Prime Minister outside my country was to a group of
countries in South-East Asia rather than to the more traditional sources of
Au stralian contact and association. I say it wasn't with quite that significance.
because my role and intention was to see our own troops where they were stationed
in that area of the world.. But in a result it developed into a quite sizeable
diplomatic exercise and I was interested to see subsequently that the countries of
Asta themselves were reading into this an Australian interest, a lively interest in
our future with them which they were welcoming. Well the need for it is clear
and I think that Australia can, by the growth of our own economy and our contacts
with these countries, make our own international contribution to the objectives
of Which the United Kingdom ad the United States have in relation to the world
ge~ ierally. We are helping, we believe in this way to preserve freedom for
thcose peoples of Asia who feel threatened by communist aggression. We are
striengthening the economies of the free areas by the increasing trade, increasing
aid and eventually we would hope through these massive programmes which the
United States has in contsmplation.
Now please see all these things in their perspective. but this doesn't
detract in any substantial way from the feeling that Australian people have, that
our destinies in the future as in the past will be closely linked together and that
the problems which you face both in relation to your internal adjustment and the
problems in relation to the rest of the world will always be of acute interest
to us and of sympathetic concern to the people of my country.
Now Mr Chairman I haven't left all that time for questions I
apologise for going, not as long as my colleague from an unnamed Commonwealth
country, but longer than I had intended. Thank you very much.
Que stion How important S~ ir, to Australia is the continued presence of British
troops on the ground in Malaya?
Answer Well we think there is an importance which goes beyond the security
consideration measured purely in military terms. The rather curious arrangement
which has built up over the years whereby a Commonwealth force has been
stationed in Malaysia and a large naval base has been operated out of Singapore,
these establishments have wi~ th the troops located at them been a stabilising and
moderating factor we believe in the affairs of the area, and I know that this view
is shared by the Government of Malaysia and certainly the Government of Singapore
and when we had our talks earlier in the year with Mr Healey we made this fact
sufficiently powerfully known to him to have some impact we believe on British
thinking and we welcomed the decision which was then made. We don't ask for
large forces to be there, but we think that you people in the United Kingdom underrate
your own influence and the character and strength which Britain still possesses
around large areas of the world. 17
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Question I wonder-' whether the Prime Minister would be good enough to tell
us whether the future plans of Australia contemplate the early arrival of Asian
immigrants, particularly the country with which they now have trade worth
000, 000, 000 and the trade it is said is likely to increase.
Answer I am asked as to whether we contemplate an influx of Asian immigrants.
I do not. We do have in Australia at the present time a considerable influx of
Asian students to our schools and universities amounting to about 12, 000 or about
percent of our total university population and the figure is tending to grow. This
is one of the useful ways in which we are proving helpful to the people of Asia
and indeed if we were to say to those students that they were to remain on in
Australia when their courses were completed, I think the friendly relations
currently existing between Australia and the Governments of the area would
quickly be affected for the worse. They want the students back with them to help
them with their own problems. But I don't think It's generally realised that
attitudes in Australia are rather more liberal and sensitive on these questions
than is usually conceded to them.
I said, half jocularly when a question somewhat along these lines
was put to me as I was leaving Australia " Well. you know a country which has
just elected a Chiniaman to be Mayor of Darwn and a Japanese to be Shire
President of one of our Victorian Shires and has invited an American Negrq
Dean Dixon to run the Sydney Symphony Orchestra can't be too racist in its
general attitudes" and I don't know of any complaints of discrimination inside
Austa~ tlia, A.@ j. complaint of discrimination on racial grounds.
But the question of immigration on the large scale it is not as if
there hasn't been some history of these matters in the past. There were times
in Australian history in the past when the migrants came in as a result of
encouragement and it was because of the social and racial disturbances which then
followed that restraints had to be applied. There would be no answer to the
population problems of Asia to be found in our own country on a basis of Asian
migration and indeed if one talks to the political leaders of these countries I
think they recognise the value for them of a strong-growing homogeneous Australia
rather than one divided by a plethora of minority elements contributing to
national weakness. But in the administration of the policy, we do have room for humanity
and good sense. An Asian who marries an Australian takes up citizenship by
that fact alone. The children are of course Australian children and there is room
inside the policy for admission on a permanent basis of Asians who have some
special contribution to make to our national advancement.
Question Sir, can you see a future growing up in Australia as a buffer say
between Asia and the rest of the Western World?
Answer Well, I should hope we wouldn't have to regard ourselves as a buffer,
because I would trust that the relations between Asia and the rest of the Western
World will be cordial and co-operative. Certainly that will be so of the kind of
Asian countries with which we are associated in the Aspac Group.
Australia is not a large country in terms of population although we
are large in area and I believe large in potential. But we don't claim the
capacities of a major power to the extent that a national capacity for friendliness
and a well-developed spirit of mateship can contribute in our discussions in Asia
to better relations in Asia and other parts of the world well that will be freely
forthcoming. Question Is it true there is growing opposition in Australia Sir to your
Rhodesian Policy?
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Answer I amceRtinjy-not. consctous of it if there is. I don't think Australians
have followed with anything like the same detail developments in Rhodesia as they
have, for example in Vietnam which is an issue of very much more direct concern'
to us and to our security as it is seen from there at any rate. But there has been
in Australia as a carry -over of a comradeship in arms of two world wars and
the admiration for the early settlement under difficult conditions in that part of
the world of British settlers in particular a friendliness and a sympathy which
does affect the public attitude to this particular question. That has not~ however,
prevented either the Government, the Parliament and the people from supporting
the policies we have pursued of maintaining sanctions against the present
Administration. Question What will be the future of the Commonwealth if all the African
countries walk out of the Commonwealth?
Answer Well? Hope that's a question we don't have to answer.
I would certainly have hoped that there is sufficient responsibility
and tolerance and recognition of the quite serious and damaging effect it would
have around the world for us to avoid any action of that kind. However it is
a question which events will answer before all of us are very much older.
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