OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR AUSTRALIA IN THE UNITED KINGDOM
Australian News and Information Bureau, Australia House,
Strand, London, W. C. 2 Telephone: TEMple Bar 2435
AUSTRALIA CLUB DINNER
SPEECH BY THE RT. HON. R. G. MENZIES, PRIME MINISTER OF.
AUSTRALIA, AT THE SAVOY HOTEL, LONDON,-12TH JUNE 1962
" Sir, Mr. Prime Minister, your Grace and Gentlemen, I
never hear my name announced in London, and I want to tell you
I have heard it many times now, without recalling that on one
occasion the Master of Ceremonies having heard me referred
to as Menzies and, being a decent Scot himself, came across to
me just before, and said: ' Excuse me, sir'-in a Scots burr,
which he used when making the announcement ' excuse me, sir,
am I to announce you as Menzies or by your proper name? i
" So in whatever capacity it may be., here I am. I am
really in a state of considerable embarrassment because the
chairman tonight is a former Governor-General of Australia of
whom I live in fear and trcmbling for years and who, whenever
he made a good speech in Australia, which was usually, was able
to say ' Thank you very much,! yes9 and when he said something
that wasn't approved of, said: ' vy constitutional advisers, of
course'.' Nowadays I am delighted. I have him cold. He just
has to talk for himself now. And then I have, of course, by
misfortune, here tonight the current Governor-General of
Australia, Lord DO L'Isle hare because his wife has been ill,
and they have had to come back here for a timc; and every member
here tonight, every person, would wish us all to send to her
through him our warm good wishes.
" And then, of course, I have here my old friend the Prime
Minister of Great Britain who has spoken so gencrouoly. tonight.
Harold Macmillan and I have known each other for many years and,
through many escapades, wei have been and remain, great friends.
And he and I have lived long enough to learn that the right way
to maintain our friendship, one with the other, is to disbelieve
everything that we read. This is the pinnacle of' wisdom on
which he sits for the moment. For a year, or two years, he
seems to have an unrivalled command of the timetable quite
comfortably and I sit precariously0 If I may coin a phrase
' here today and gone tomorrow'
" But anyhow I have been over here on a matter of great
moment0 Not under any impression that problems were going to
be solved, but because a great number of these problems are
not to be solved so easily as the onlooker supposes, But here,
to -be able to go back home, as I shall in a couple of days time,
with the certain knowledge that between us all, we have got to
understand our problems much better; and this is tremcndously
important because really, at this time, putting on one side
the enormous events of war, we are dealing between ourselves
with problems which are the greatest problems that you have
dealt with, Prime Minister, or that I have dealt with in time
of peace in our lifetime. And it is therefore very important
to begin by understanding that the man who is dogmatic in
these matters runs a fair chance of being wrong because these
are enormously complex matters0 / 2.
" The Prime Minister of Great Britain has made a most
eloquent speech tonight about the significance of Great Britain
in Europe, as distinguished from Great Britain out of Europe,
but exercising somc balance of power in Europe. This is an eloquent
speech and a powerful one. I don't know what the answer
is to this. I well understand how strong the feelings are of
people who feel that at this time in history Great Britain
ought to take its place in the European comity of nations; how
at this time with Europe so significant in a heavily divided
world, Great Britain should put her weight, her wisdom, her
experience, into the scales.
" I would have you understand that I think I understand
that very clearly. But when we get to that point we enter a
complete medley of considerations, He is more familiar than I
am, or perhaps any of us are, with what we mean by ' going into
Europe ' 0 Are we talking about a federal Europe, a confederacy
of European nations? Are we talking about something perhaps
more practical, a little more elementary, the pragmatic
approach to the association of great European Powers in a
practising way from time to time through Prime Ministers and_
through Foreign Secretaries? N" obody can answer these questions.
There arc some people in the world who think of joint actions
always in terms of mechanics and there are others who think of
them in terms of functions, of friendship and of associations.
And so I am not going away from here with any ideas in my mind
that there is some strict form that will be observed, that there
is some structure emerging in Europe, because I don't know what
it is and I don't suppose that there is anyone else at present who
knows what it is. All I know is that the decision to go into
Europe if I may use that compendious phrase is a decision for
the Government of this ancient monarchy to make and it"' is *: ndt-f or
me or anybody else to say ' yes' or ' no'.
" This is one of the most remarkable decisions that will
have to be made and it will be made by the Government and
Parliament of the country which has more wisdom and more experience
and more to lose than any other country in the world.
And so I want to say, at the very outset, anybody who supposes
that I have come here as a newcomer in some brash fashion to
say, ' This is what you are to dot, will be disappointed. I am
not here to say what somebody else ought to, do on this great
matter0 I happen to be here as the Prime Minister of a country
which is British to the boot heels, which is a monarchist
country; which with you, Prime Minister, is within the
allegiance to the Crown no ambhiguities, no formulae needed
about our position.
" We in Australia are of Her Majesty's subjects and
whatever politicians -whether they are you or somebody else, or
myself or somebody else -may do nothing . will separate the
people of Australia from the allegiance to the Crown. The one
great danger at this time, and I see it from time to time, is
that people, particularly some commentators, see everything in
black and white0 Now perhaps this is an occupational disease
for when they write it, it appears in black and white, and
there it is0 But these are not problems of black and white,
these are not matters on which you can afford to be dogmatic.
They are in reality, to the pride and joy of ourselves as
Commonwealth people, matters on which before the ultimate decision
is taken we may sit down together and talk about ass'friends-
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and if necessary disagree, on detail, as friends. But in the
long run the judgment that will have to be taken will be one
that is neither brilliant white nor dark black but maybe some
form of iridescent grey,
" But this is the way of the world. Wie ought to remember
these things. We see a certain colour in the sky. Vie think
we identify it. It may be thGe dawn, it may be the twilight, but
it largely depends on what direction we are facing, as to whether
we think it is the dawn or the twilight. These are tremendous
matters and I am the last person either to surrender the views
of my own country to somebody elsc or to try to persuade some
other person that his views are wrong because they don't happen
to coincide with mine.
" This is one of the crucial periods in our history and
it must not be confused by prejudice, by overplaying the hand,
by stirring up hostilities. This is to be dealt with by
remembering a few things. I don't want to say too much to you
because I know from long experience that you become uneasy, and
so do I-in a * long speech but these are to be dealt with by
remenmeting a few things. One of them, for example, is that as
betweon Great Britain and Australia the structure is clear.
The interests, properly considered, are, I believe, in commnon.
I can't suppose for one moment that Great Britain is any more
unaware than I am, or than you are, of the tremendous significance
in the world of the last 30 years 40 years of this
family preferential system which has built up a great pattern
of trade in the British world and therefore and don't forget
it a grcat pattern of production in our respective countries.
" It doesn't occur to me to believe that the Government
of the United Kingdom forgets that any more than I do, These
are essential things. I have read a few exercises in newspapers
and a few letters in newspapers which appear to suggest that
Australia is being very selfish over all this matter; that
we want everything and we give nothing. Now really.' This seems
to me to be a little bit hot if I may use that homely
expression, a little bit hot, All my adult life my country
has lived in a pattern of preferential trade, ' in honour
preferring one another' which is good biblical authority as
well as anything else ' in honour preferring one another'. And
in the result we have built up a trade structure, an economic
structure, which is very hard to equal in modern history.
" And to think that all this happens one way is quite
childish. We give preferences to Great Britain; Great Britain
gives preferences tD us. You give preferences, sir, to New
Zealand, whose distinguished High Commissioner is here. She
gives preferences to you. It runs round the world, this
Commonweallth preferential structure. And in result we in
Australia have contributed to the well-being economically of
this country in the most dramatic fashion, just as you, by
your preferences to our goods in this country, have rendered our
expansion, or a great deal of it possible. Well, here we are;
we are on comimn ground aren't we? Yes, a plague upon these
people who want me to believe this is all one way. / 4,
" I was questioned the other night by a gentleman on
the television well you notice I am using the terms of
courtesy; I didn't have the figures with me, but it is one
of thd rare privileges of Prime Ministers that they leave all
the knowledge to their subordinates and dwell themselves in a
lofty zone of their own. But may I just say this to you, it
is for the better part of 50 years now that we have had this
pattern of British Empire trade, Commonwealth trade whatever
it may have been called. My old friend the Prime Minister of
Great Britain, this most distinguished servant of his people;
he and I have before today, on many occasions, stood on
platforms together and spoken for this very pattern of trade,
and he would do it tomorrow himself and so would I. This is
a great story. But in 1960-61 I admit that's the final
financial year before I almost lost the Election and I don't
say that one is related to the other not at all; who am I
to say this? But in the financial year 1960-61, 1 obtained the
figures. We imported we., Australia from Britain, goods to
the tune f. o. b. of œ 272M. And in order to improve the strength
of sterling, I am quoting my figures in sterling œ 272M.
sterling. And Great Britain imported from us, and I am not
complaining about this, œ, 166M. sterling. In other words I
am talking now to those who don't have the supreme privilege
of being Australians you had a favourable trade balance with
us of 9106M. " Don't think for one moment that this to me is an object
of complaint; it isn't. I have great pride in the fact that
under this preferred system my country has been, over a period
of years, with a few exceptions now and then, with its handful
of people, the greatest customer that Groat Britain has had,
In fact I don't want to create any Trans-A1" tlantic difficulties
because I am going there on Thursday. I must gird my loins
for the arguments that Itll enc. Duntcr in Wlashington. But really,
it is worth while some of these gentlemen who write their
comments for your improvement, to remind them or to tell them,
that they didn't know that my country, over this eriod, has
had a population ranging from ' 4 million, 1 to lO-million and
that over this period of ' 40 years, Australia little Australia
which is supposed to be selfish at this time, has bought from
Groat Britain, very properly, and has in the buying produced
employment in this country, very p~ roperly, L8501, more than
the United States has over the corresponding period of time,
" Now Sir, I think I may say those things0 These things
are very familar to my friend, and to the British Government and
they wouldn't quarrel with them0 You mustn't think for one
moment, as between the United Kingdom Government and the
Australian Go-vernment, that there is some deep-rooted disagreement
abo-ut the fact. There isn't. These things are all well
understood; and warmly understood; and heartily approved.
The one thing that did occur just a-fter I arrived here was that
when my distinguished friend from New Zealand, Mr. Marshall,
and I being presented with what turned out to be a purely
tentative arrangement on hard manufactures, said, I thought
very modestly, if you can associate modesty with me: ' We hope
this is not your reply to foodstuffs,.' And you know, we were
quite right. You can apply to something, nc doubt, a phasing
out by 1970, but you do that to the foodstuffs that are exported
from the Commonwealth countries, so that at the end of 1970
it's all gone, and the noises that will come from the Commonwealth
countries will be such as to exhaust even the vocabulary of the
' Daily Express'.
" Because, you see, you cannot say to countries which have
lived within the covenant for so long, and that have conducted
this mutually advantageous economy for so long; you can't say
to them ' Well, look, we wouldn't kill you straight out, but in
1970 it is all over'. And I don't believe for one moment that
the Government of the United Kingdom is going to subscribe to
such an idea. Not for one moment. We have in fact as
Australians difficult as we are supposed to be worked through
our offices, constructively, with the great assistance of the
representatives of the United Kingdom, with Mr. Heath opening
door after door for them, with meetings of members of Council;
we have been presenting constructive ideas. We have not, as
the Prime Minister knows we have not, said, ' Well, let's stick
to the old form', We have realised that that might be very
difficult for the Six to accept, and we have therefore worked
out alternatives, whether there could not be comparable outlets,
whether perhaps the preferred entry of goods into this country
might be distributed over the countries of the Common Market,
This is, to a point representing our normal traffic, with a
little edge for growth and Ihope. no busines. man
is going tc object to that because you are all devoted to the
principle of growth you wouldn't run your business unless you
thought you had a little margin for growth. Our business is
the business of Australia the business of a country whose
population is increasing as rapidly as that of Japan, a country
which, if it is to play its part in the world as a member
of the Comionwalth, must 3o on, grow, expand, have more people,
more production, more trade, more power. Of course this is
right. We are not a static community, put away in a remote
corner of the world. We are not prepared to be a static
community and neither does anybody in this country want us to
be a static community. And therefore we have, with the full
approval our colleagues in Great Britain, been working on
ways and means of developing alternative methods of preserving
a proper volume of trade for Great Britain, in Great Britain,
in the Six for Australia, for New Zealand, for Canada, for
whatever it may be. Now this is not a point of difference. We
have in company with aur colleagues in Great Britain been
working on these things. All I want to say to you is that if
the Six took up the attitude that they are not looking at any
alternatives, that the existing preferences preferences
behind which thousands of people in communities in Australia
live and without which they would die if they took up the
attitude ' Nothing doing, the preferences must disappear in
1970', then I am perfectly certain that my country would not
say ' Yes'. And, though I speak with no authority, I am
perfectly convinced that the Government, the Parliament and
the people of this country would not say ' Yesf.
" One matter arose when Mr. Marshall and I made our rather
anodyne statement and woke to find ourselves famous. And that
was that we were afraid that these interim arrangements were
in a sense final; they were announced in certain organs of
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the press as agreements. Now I am happy to say that one of
the things, as my colleague will agree, that has emerged from
our discussions is that it is perfectly clear, that although you
must mlke tentative arrangements if you are ever to bring
negotiations to an end, they are all tentative. They do not
bind us. They do not bind anybody. They are tentative
arrangements and when finally the ground has been covered, there
will be a ' package' of such arrangements andi that, I believe
I am right in saying, is what the Prime Ministers will be in
a position to discuss without prejudice, without commitment, when
they meet here in September. Now I don't complain about that.
I know how negotiations must go on and I am happy tc say that
this understanding that we have is now completely common ground.
" Now perhaps there is just one other thing that I ought
to say to you. I want to make another p6int to you, and I make
this in no sense of hostility, to either the European countries
or to the United States of America, our great friends our
generous friends. But I do want to put this to you. Those
in Europe, or those in America, who press too hard what I
believe to be the doctrinaire view that preferences must disappear
without substitute in 1970, accept a great responsibility
before history. The European Powers have not engaged or begun
the lengthy negotiations with Great Britain because they don't
want Great Britain in Europe. If they didn't want Great
Britain in Europe it would have been a simple thing to say ' No'.
Wouldn't it? But the negotiations go on. One must assume
that, not necessarily unanimously but in a number of fields in
Europe, there is a feeling that the association of Great
Britain with Europe this revolutionary change in the eye of
history is a good thing, a good thing for the world, a good
thing for peace, a good thing for resistance to tyranny. And
the United States of America which is not a party, but which
has offered positive views on these matters, must be taken to
believe that it would be a good thing for the free world for
a Europe to have Great Britain in it.
" I don't. need to elaborate these things. I just assume
them; in my naivetLo I assume them. They will accept a very
great responsibility if between them, jointly or severally,
they assume an attitude that the old preferential relations
between the countries of the British Commonwealth are to be
destroyed by 1970 as part of the price of union. This will be
a great responsibility because they will in effect, if they are
right, if they succeed, if all this happens, be presenting the
Government of this country with a dilemma the like of which
was never seen before in peaceful history, the dilemma of
choosing between Europe on those terms and the Commrnwealth.
" I don't believe for one moment that you are going to
choose against the Commonwealth. I don't believe for one
moment that anybody in this country is bound to accept every
jot and every tittle of the things that we put up though we
think they are pretty good. But I do believe that if and it
is a big if it turns out that the attitude in Europe is that
Great Britain must determine the whole of her preferential
arrangements with her Commonwealth in 1970 as the price of going
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into Europe, then they are offerin. this country a choice which
is well, I fail to find words to describe it, a terrible choice,
an historic choice, a disastrous choice. Because, you know,
tbetter the devil you know than the devil you don't know'. We
have lived long together. When I look back over it and, I am
an old hand in Commonwealth business and so is my friend Harold
Macmillan, thc reason why we always meet as friends is that we
know the story behind it all. It is the story of a Commonwealth
in which he and I both happen to be servants of our Sovereign
Lady the Queen, in which Great Britain and Australia, to say
nothing of all the other Commonwealth countries, have lived
together a Commonwealth whose roots have been nurtured in the
soil of co-operation and affection, and loyalty. These are
wonderful things. Not to be lightly disregarded, not lightly
to be put aside. It is because my approach to this matter is
exactly the same as yours, Harold, that I know that we must not
cry ' disaster' too quickly, that we must not be dogmatic too
soon, that we must understand, that believing the same things,
loving the same things, remembering the same things, we are going
to do the best to help each other and at the same time help the
continent of Europe, help the whole free world. I can see all
these things. I can understand them perfectly. How wonderful
a thing it would be for the free world to have a concerted
Europe, to have a group of Powers who were not ambiguous, who
knew where they stood, And so when he says this is of great
value I don't resist that, I don't resist that. I merely say
to myself, ' Yes, but don't forget', and I don't need to say it
to him, though there are some people to whom it needs to be said,
' Don't forget that we haven't come to our present state in the
world, we haven't c. mO to our present power and significance in
the world without having these things connecting us, wonderful
things bringing us together, a great record of achievement and,
I believe, properly considered, a marvellous vison of hope and
Sain and strength for the future'."