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TRANSCRIPT OF THE PRIME MINISTER, THE HON P J KEATING MP
SPEECH AT THE LAUNCH OF ANDREW THEOPHANOUS' BOOK
" UNDERSTANDING MULTICULTURALISM AND AUSTRALIAN IDENTITY",
PARLIAMENT HOUSE, CANBERRA, 1 DECEMBER 1995
E& OE PROOF COPY
Well, thank you, very much indeed, William [ Albonj. Could I also
acknowledge the High -Commissioner of Great Britain, other distinguished
members of the diplomatic corps, Mr Rebikoff, Lois O'Donoghue and, of
course, my Parliamentary colleagues, other distinguished guests, Andrew,
and ladies and gentlemen.
Well about this time every year, Andrew has a new book and it has become
at least once In my itinerary/ agenda for the course of the year. I always say
that within the year we had better put a day in, for Andrew will have another
book and I am very happy to be here this morning to launch this one.
It reminds me, I think, of two points. One is that there are people in the
Labor Party the Labor Party is full of people who have all sorts of views
about all sorts of things, are in the business of politics out ot conviction not
convenience and you can see this just in this work, alone, that Andrew has
done, how thoughtful he has been and how he thinks about Australia, thinks
about the way In which it is changing and tries to write down and record and
perhaps lead in the way in which Australian thought has changed and is
changing. So it is a very interesting polemic he has written and the prodigious energy
which he displays with these publications is, of course, quite profound. He is
talking about, of course, the perhaps singular most defining feature of
Australian society today and that is the impact of the post-war migration
program on the cultural identity of the country and it is, we believe, a great
success story. We don't presume it is a model for the rest of the world.
But I think we are an example of a culturally pluralist society that works pretty
well and in this text he is, I think, trying to tell the reader why he thinks it
works well and to say that our whole process is informed by democratic
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is main theme, I think, is that multiculturalism is successful because of the
strength of the nation's oldest values. That is egalitarianism, principally, the
belief that everyone deserves a fair chance or a fair go and our deep-rooted
sense of democracy and our basic tolerance, which comes from it, is the thing
which has given people the psychological space to let multicultural ism work
in a way that we have been able to draw strength from it.
He says that rather than diluting Australia's culture, it has replenished it.
Replenished it around the theme that the place is, essentially, deeply
democratic and tolerant and egalitarian and that the influences of
multiculturalism have, in fact, highlighted, sharpened, and replenished those
Instincts. And that people have brought colour and ambition to Australia and
that has generally supported the tendency we have all had to these
democratic ideals and democratic traditions.
And I think people coming particularly in the early phases from Europe,
who have in the first instance, changed the nature of the culture of Australia
have found when they have come here, particularly rent by two World Wars,
that the opportunities for freedom in Australia where these values are bound
and, also, in the sun because it is always easier, I think, to feel happy and
free in a temperate climate, than one does rugged up under a grey sky.
But the whole notion of you Know, you share in the bounty of the country
whether you are wealthy or not, when you share in the pleasure of its
environment. And, I think, all of that has produced a great view that amongst
migrants and in the community that the multicultural ism that has arisen from it
has truly replenished that which we have had here.
Of course no policy of the Government, or no document, could make
multiculturalism work. That has to come from the community itself. But a
strong Government commitment to multiculturalism is necessary and it is that
commitment which, I think, Andrew rejoices in in the Labor Party and I think
that we enjoy as a Party with people in the community.
Could I also say that in saying that I don't believe that multicultural ism must
ever be allowed to become an Ideological position, a sort of repository of
political correctness, or something beyond criticism. But certain things are
beyond the pale, like a racial basis in discrimination of our immigration
system, or discrimination against migrants in the workplace etc.
But, I think, the theme that the Government has been perhaps touching in the
last couple of years is our general embrace of multiculturalism, but. making
clear that everybody's first loyalty has to be to Australia. That is, within the
bounds of Australian democracy and egalitarianism, the things which Andrew
argues is actually feeding and replenishing our culture, the inspiration of it
has to be always that which the democracy is about. And that is the first
loyalty to the society we have created here and our first loyalty to Australia
and, of course, that Is most obviously expressed in the allegiance which the
Government strongly encourages and that is, of course, taking Australian
citizenship, which we are seeing, I think, as a growing tendency amongst
people who have had permanent resident status. . u16 ' C
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Andrew's book sets out a narrative on the Government's recent advances
the National Agenda for Multiculturalism, first released in 1989. The National
Multicultural Advisory Council has reviewed the National Agenda for us and
the Government will soon formally respond to their report. The Racial Hatred
Legislation, commitment to access and equity principles, the platform on
which multicultural ism has built itself which is social justice, he refers to this
and he says that the very essence of social justice are the things that hold the
egalitarian notions together. Hence, the underpinnings of multicultural ism
and he goes through some of the elements of it Medicare, education and
training, superannuation for everybody, and in the broader, of course, the
Native Title Legislation which brings into the social justice equation more
obviously, of course, the first Australians.
Now, these are all things which, I think, that we see as a matrix, as threads of
a fabric. That is, it is not just about the Migration Program. It is not just about
a separate cultural identification with the countries of origin of people. But it
is about a bigger thing that they can identity these historic interests with the
new-found, in the case of those who arrived as migrants, freedom and
democracy here which is itself fed by a long egalitarian tradition, which is
itself supported by social justice and social justice policies.
And so while these things might seem to be in the realm of social policy, they
are In fact part of community policy. These are points we often make of our
opponents, wearily, about things such as Medicare, education and training
because education is the great boundary jumper. It is the place where
people skip through the stratumns and when only three children in ten
completed secondary school ten years ago, you can bet that most of the
seven of the ten, of course, represented preponderantly those of lower
incomes and disadvantaged groups.
Now, of course, this year that is eight in ten completing secondary school and
we have had now a 60 per cent addition to tertiary places and an enormous
revolution In vocational education. So that where once only 40 per cent of
people were trained after secondary school 60 per cent cascading into,
essentially, a labour market within which they were not equipped with skills
will have now the great bulk of the community, 90 per cent odd, coming into a
training situation post-secondary training.
And that is not a statement about education, it is a statement about your
society, It is a statement about mobility, it is a statement about the brightest
people being chosen on their abilities from within the education system rather
than their parents income or their parents social position. All of this has, of
course, made it likely that the children of migrants take a greater role in the
society. So, giving people universal protection against sickness which is not a market
matter your well being should not be a matter for the market place
education, training, the right to a decent income in retirement so that the
Commonwealth's tax concessions are equitably drawn down, all of these
things we think In the Labor Party buttress a whole notion of society and
buttress the notion of multiculturalism.
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Now, you know, it is rare for me these days in a public address to ever let the
Coalition off and I'm not going to do it today either. I just wanted to say a
couple of things about them because there is a lot to say about them even
though they don't say much, there is still a lot to say about them.
We found something that goes to this subject. It is a report which Senator
Short the Shadow Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs had
commissioned by Mr Zachary Wilks of the University of Michigan. The
document is entitled ' Building Australia's Future. An Evaluation of Settlement
Services Prepared for the Office of Senator Jim Short, Shadow Minister for
Immigration and Ethnic Affairs'. In his covering letter to select migrant and
ethnic groups Senator Short states that this paper " is Mr Wilks' personal view
and does not represent a Coalition position." However, it is a document that
makes clear it is a research document prepared for, by and with the active
co-operation of Senator Short and his office and it carries hence his
imprimatur, It has been distributed officially by him at public expense. It says
" The Coalition is currently reviewing several important matters in the areas of
multicultural affairs and settlement services I would appreciate hearing
from you on the topics identified",
Should the Coalition win the next election, I'm sure this officially sanctioned
circulated paper would no doubt be used by a Howard government as some
sort of mandate for adopting the radical changes it recommends. I'll give you
a little taste of just a couple of pieces of it.
It says all business and skilled entrants including concessional family
entrants who are in a skill assessed class should be required to have English
as a precondition of entry. Without English ability their skills or business
acumen are virtually worthless in and to Australia Well, of course, bad
luck for Peter Abeles and Frank Lowy and Frank Belgiorno-Nettis. They
wouldn't have made the grade on that basis.
Then it goes on if they do not attend the courses or obtain English
elsewhere then they should be denied access to welfare benefits. In the
future their sponsors should bear their living costs In other words, If they
don't attend courses and are trained proficiently in English they shouldn't get
welfare benefits and their sponsors should be reminded they will have to
carry the costs.
It is so friendly. And it goes on to say this migrants without English ability
including humanitarian and refugee entrants in particular should be required
to undertake English language courses as a priority for settlement. They
should continue to receive financial assistance while they are undertaking
these courses. However, if they fail to attend class or drop out prematurely,
they should not be eligible for future unemployment assistance unless they
have obtained English either through the courses or elsewhere It is a
hard world Mr Howard has in mind for the rest of us.
1 wish Margaret Thatcher had come to Canberra recently. She could have
endorsed Johnny as well as Jeff. She would have endorsed this for sure.
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if all else fails the Government may have to look at more prescriptive
methods to ensure migrants obtain sufficient English skills so they can fully
participate in society and are not at risk or impost to either themselves or the
community. Such a proposal could involve proficiency certificates that would
be awarded by accredited English programs and presented when applying for
a job Here Is a little rub employers who fail to check for the certificates
could be made subject to fines You see, all those nasty employers out
there employing people who don't speak fluent English.
Anyway, it goes on, there is pages and pages of it. I won't bore you with it. It
is just typical of the Coalition's snaky approach to multicultural ism. One of
the things I have said to Alexander Downer was multicultural ism is more than
heading for the nearest Chinese restaurant. It Is more than chasing a
meatball around a plate with a pair of chop sticks which is what he did on his
foray to a Chinese restaurant in my electorate.
In the Labor Party, of course, proficiency with chop sticks comes at the age of
16. In the Liberal Party it comes at about 42 or 43 years of age, but by then
the capacity for dexterity is long past. So, they never quite make it, there is
certainly no accreditation in their youth. But, I don't know whether these
things have ever occurred to our friends in the Coalition. At any rate, they
don't have a view that we have, that the thing that multiculturalism has done
has been to enlarge Australia, to make it bigger and to make it better, to
make it more interesting, to make it more resilient and to do, as Andrew has
suggested, replenish those basic instincts of egalitarianism and democracy.
In that sense, as people live their lives here, as their children grow up here,
the culture of Australia has changed to a newer identity. But one which is
uniquely Australian is that which some of the rest of us might have identified
or 40 or 50 years ago and indeed given our place in the world, our
proximity to large, old societies like Indonesia, very old societies like Papua
New Guinea and our proximity also to the fastest growing markets in the
world. The change to Australia is one that in our cultural diversity is not just a
social strength, but a strength in approaching these markets and being part of
the community and region in a way we might not have conceived before.
I have made the point and Andrew makes it well here, that you can't ever
really be thinking about a society at peace with itself, comfortable with the
changing nature of its culture and its identity without, of course,
understanding that the people who must feel comfortable in this are our
Indigenes. It is going to take a long time before the Australian indigenes feel
comfortable with Australia, the way it is now, but I think we have made as
strong a renewal of our efforts to that as perhaps any government has,
certainly in recent years and we are going to keep that commitment up.
But, you can't say that the place is open and fair and democratic if one
Important and key section is excluded from opportunity or where the barriers
to participation are too great.
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So, that is why that happy mix of social policy runs with the whole current of
our society and it is why too, with a republic that in renouncing a European
monarch as our head of state, we would have made that affirmation of the
way in which we have changed and to say to all the people who have joined
us that they are more likely to be and more welcome in being an integral part
of society which they volunteered to belong to.
I think we in the Party owe Andrew a debt for getting this down because
debates come and go and the plasma of the debates exist at the time but
then they disappear and you try to remember what debates were like
years ago or 20 years ago and you can remember the highlights, but you
don't remember the flux and I think what this text does is put that down. It
puts all of the issues down, it gives us the threads of the debate and records
this quite distinctive, defining change in our history. For that we thank
Andrew and it is therefore with great pleasure that I officially launch his text.
ends