TRANSCRIPT OF THE PRIME MINISTER, THE HON P J KEATING MP
PRESS CONFERENCE, THE IMPERIAL HOTEL, TOKYO, JAPAN
6 SEPTEMBER 1994
E& OE PROOF COPY
PM: Well, I'm speaking here about the Liberal's policy, about the Liberal's
announcement today. Well, the first thing I would say about it is,
we're probably seeing the last of the end of Mr Downer here. I don't
think I've seen a more pathetic document in the last 20 years. After
11 years of policy reform which is now remarked upon, around the
world in a common-place way -after all those budgets and major
economic statements, to see this blancmange of nonsense, is to say
that the Liberal Party is either institutionally had it, or Mr Downer has
come to the end of the line. I mean, to publish a document which
says they are pro-fami lies", mpro-Australia', " pro-communities", " projobsu,
I mean, begs the obvious question, would they ever say they
were anti-family, anti-Australia, anti -communities and anti-jobs?
Offered the chance to state the substance of his leadership, Mr
Downer has offered us a catalogue of platitudes an insult to the
intelligence of our fellow Australians. I've never see, I think, a more
fatuous document than this one. And just by merely publishing it, it
puts down the quality of public debate in Australia. In fact, John
Hewson must be wondering what his dismissal is all about because
" Fightback* looks like a " War and Peace" document compared to this,
which is a " Mills and Boonp economic and social guide. Mr Downer
says that this is " a cornerstone, a building-block of coalition policy", in
fact it will support nothing of weight because there is nothing of
weight in it. And I think it will haunt him as long as he lasts, or as
long as it lasts, whichever the case may be.
Now, he said of course that I would make a make a comment on this
without reading it. Well, it's not exactly like getting across a major
work on time or the theory of relativity I was able to knock over most
of this and then still finish of my sushi within 25 minutes.
The thing is, I just had a most interesting conversation with Mr Hata
and Mr Watanabe about the politics of social change in Japan, and
2
economic change imperative economic change and we were
relating our respective experiences. I mean if this were to be
Australia's trip back down the time tunnel to the sort Of policies of the
sixties and seventies the Rip Van Winkle years of the Liberal Party
then we would not only not keep up, but certainly not have a lead In
change, as we have in Australia now over the last decade. I mean
the document is sprinkled with nonsense, like this: " The coalition will
implement a practical, common-sense" how many time have we
heard that " a practical, common-sense approach to labour market
reform". Well, what does that mean? Does It mean that the coalition
can hold wages during a period of high growth? Does it mean that
they would ever have reduced inflation to under And what does
" 1practical, common-sense" m mean when you have got economic
growth and demand running and pushed along by very high rates of
economic growth? It goes on to things like this: " tax and family
payments will ease family pressures". Well, what does that mean?
Tax cuts? What does it mean? And if it is, what is the fiscal impact
of these things? And that family payments?
And then it says in the document that so many of the costs will by
cutting out waste. All of this will be met by dealing with waste and
other changes to efficiency. Well, you can make all the efficiency
changes you like in the public sector of Australia in the delivery of
services, but it won't cover the costs of these sort of things. And then
I thought the Bobby Dazzler of all of them was that, he says in his
press statement; " Let me be equally clear what this statement is noto,
and he goes on to say what it isn't. Well never in all the statements
that I have delivered from memory, nine or eight budgets, and about
ten economic statements have I ever said what they were not.
Because I thought proudly they said eloquently what they were.
I didn't expect much from Mr Downer, but what he has given us is
even less than I expected he would.
J: One of the criticisms from Alexander Downer is that why should he
play your game and be very specific about the policies?
PM: Well, I said that yesterday. Policies are the substance of politics.
This is the place where they are the things that one attaches oneself
to, and articulates to the public in seeking to provide a proper basis to
our public life, and to advance our society. If they are not about
policies, what are they about? See, the thing about Mr Downer is he
has his policies, but he doesn't think the public will like them. So,
he's going to keep them hidden so they can't come under scrutiny
until the closing weeks of an election campaign.
Now, he talks about honesty, that he's an honest politician. He
actually goes on to make that statement that I recorded yesterday
saying that " I'm the most honest person you will ever meet'. You
have got to have a lot of front to say something like that. Now, having
said it, he doesn't follow it through by honestly telling the public what
he has in mind. So we have this sort of sham document which will
then, in a sense, disguise the policies which he won't reveal until the
closing days of an election campaign.
J: ut why should he reveal them now? It will only give you 12 months
to knock them down.
PM: Why should he reveal them now? Because if he wants to be in the
business of the public debate if he doesn't reveal them now, he's
out of the public debate. I mean, if he doesn't have policies, he's not
in the public debate. If he's not an agent of change, he's not in the
public debate. He disqualifies himself by saying " I don't have
policies' in which case he's disqualified or " I'm not prepared to
reveal them" in which case, he's deceitful.
J: But isn't it fair to say that an opposition Is there to scrutinise the
Government to criticize and analyze what the Government is..
PM: No. The Opposition is there as the alternative government. It's there
to become the alternative government. You see, Australia can't
afford, now, if ever but certainly not now, to go back to this sort of
period of policy paralysis that the Liberals had through most of the
sixties and seventies. I mean, the Australian community now wants
the common wheel advanced. They want change, and they know
they've got to get it. And to be saying, " oh, just by the way, I don't
think I'll give you any for the moment because that nasty government
might take the mickey out of me", is not going to be tolerated by the
public and nor it should be.
J: I don't recollect the Labor Party putting its policies out twelve months
in advance of a federal election.
PM: We had, in the 1982 election, in the 1980 election, changes to fiscal
policy. Quite specific addition to the deficit in 1982 of SI .5billion a
whole lot of other details. But whatever the then opposition did then,
the whole national debate has moved on so much. I mean, you do
get remarks from people in Japan, in Europe, how Australia is among
the leading nations for change in the OECD in the world. And it is.
J: Is John Hewson right then in saying that what he did in OFightback
last summer really lifted the benchmark in terms of oppositions and
what they need to deliver in terms of policy development?
PM: Well, it was a set of policies. Whether you liked them or not, it was a
set of policies. As I said, it was a veritable tome compared to this lot
it was a " War and Peace" compared to this being on offer.
J: Mr Keating, references to the republic and the constitutional change
do they set In place now the coalitions positions?
PM: Well, I don't know. But you can always, I mean it's got things like this
in it; " We'll restore a world-class education and training system*.
Restore. Now, as you remember, three students in ten completed
secondary school in 1982 it's now eight in ten, So he'll restore us
back to three in ten. He'll restore us back to pathetic rates of tertiary
places. He'll restore us back to the absolutely Cinderella status of
technical and further education. He's going to help with savings and
productivity, but he's going to afreeze the superannuation guarantee
charge while working to provide effective superannuation care for
retirement". In other words, he claims to be interested in families, the
one bit of additional support for savings for a better standard of living
in retirement for families has come from the Government's
superannuation legislation. The only reason that Alexander Downer
wants to freeze the superannuation guarantee charge* is that they
don't want to see the empowerment of trade unions sitting as trustees
of hundreds of billions of super-fund monies, and also they don't want
to see any shift from business to individuals by way of enhanced
income in retirement. So, they're going to help savings but they have
got a very snakey policy on ordinary people, who are getting for the
first time ever, a bit of a benefit a substantial benefit in fact from
superannuation. I mean, it's full of those sort of inconsistencies.
Look, let me just conclude my remarks on this point. It's the worst
thing I've ever seen from them. Certainly, in the years I've been in
office, and as I said the other day, they must be saying * we've done it
again". They must be. They have to be saying, " we've done it again
we've picked a dud".
J: Tempted to go early, Mr Keating?
PM: No. No. But you notice that Mr Downer has released this in my
absence. I did make the remark that I would try and ping him, even if
it was from the foyer of the Imperial Hotel. But, he has released it in
my absence well, I'll just say this to Mr Downer, don't get too tricky
with me. Mr Downer, we can all be tricky. Thank you.
ends.