rUT4rK An~ ATNRT nR. VERY EMBARGOED UNTIL DELIVUERY
SPEECH BY THE PRIME MINISTER
PARLIAMENTARY RESOLUTION ON THE GULF CRISIS
21 AUGUST 1990
MR SPEAKER
IN MOVING THIS RESOLUTION TODAY I WANT TO TAKE THIS FIRST
OPPORTUNITY AVAILABLE TO ME TO INFORM THE HOUSE OF THE VIEW
THE GOVERNMENT HAS TAKEN OF THE SITUATION WHICH HAS ARISEN
IN THE MIDDLE EAST OVER THE PAST THREE WEEKS, AND OF THE
MEASURES WHICH WE HAVE ADOPTED TO MEET THAT SITUATION.
ON 2 AUGUST IRAQ INVADED KUWAIT. THAT ACTION HAS PROVOKED
ONE OF THE GRAVEST INTERNATIONAL CRISES SINCE THE SECOND
WORLD WAR; AND IT HAS CHALLENGED US TO DEFINE THE WAY IN
WHICH THE WORLD COMMUNITY WILL COOPERATE IN THE YEARS AHEAD.
OVER THE PAST FEW YEARS THE FRIGHTENING RIGIDITIES OF THE
COLD WAR HAVE DISSOLVED, AND THE THREAT OF GLOBAL WAR
BETWEEN THE SUPERPOWERS HAS RECEDED. THE TASK FOR ALL OF US
HAS BEEN TO CONSTRUCT A NEW WORLD ORDER WHICH WILL GUARANTEE
THAT THE END OF THE COLD WAR WILL BRING AN ERA OF PEACE.
THAT CANNOT BE TAKEN FOR GRANTED. IN THE COLD WAR, REGIONAL
CONFLICTS WERE CONTAINED BY THE CARE THAT EACH SUPERPOWER
TOOK TO AVOID CONFRONTATION WITH THE OTHER. BUT NOW, AS THE
THREAT OF GLOBAL WAR RECEDES, THE RISK OF MAJOR REGIONAL
WARS MAY, PARADOXICALLY, HAVE INCREASED.
IRAQ'S INVASION OF KUWAIT IS A TRAGICALLY CLEAR PROOF OF THE
NEW DANGERS WHICH EXIST, JUST AS THOSE OF THE COLD WAR
THANKFULLY FADE INTO HISTORY. AND THOSE DANGERS ARE NOT
UNIQUE TO THE MIDDLE EAST. WHEREVER WE FIND BIG ARMIES,
NATIONAL RIVALRIES AND RECKLESS LEADERS, WE WILL FIND A RISK
OF MAJOR WAR. IT IS NOT INCONCEIVABLE THAT THOSE CONDITIONS
COULD EMERGE IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION IN THE COMING YEARS.
WE NEED THEREFORE TO WORK OUT HOW TO MANAGE THESE DANGERS
WHEREVER THEY MAY ARISE. IN DOING SO WE ARE CASTING BACK TO
THE ERA BEFORE THE COLD WAR BEGAN; THOSE TWILIGHT YEARS OF
OPTIMISM BETWEEN THE END OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE
FALL OF THE IRON CURTAIN.
WE FIND OURSELVES LOOKING AGAIN TO THE UNITED NATIONS TO
UPHOLD THE RULE OF LAW AS THE PRINCIPLE OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS, OVER THE RULE OF FORCE. THE COLD WAR OFTEN MADE
THE UN LOOK IMPOTENT AND IRRELEVANT; BUT AS THE COLD WAR
FADES, THE UN HAS MOVED BACK TO THE POSITION ITS FOUNDERS
INTENDED FOR IT.
IN DRAFTING THE UN CHARTER, THE FOUNDERS OF THE UN DREW ON
THEIR VIVID AND BITTER EXPERIENCE OF A WORLD SLIDING INTO
CHAOS: THE FAILURE OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS IN MANCHURIA
AND ABYSSINIA; THE APPEASEMENT OF FASCISM IN EUROPE; AND
THE CATASTROPHE THAT FOLLOWED.
THE WORLD HAS CHANGED A LOT SINCE 1945, BUT I THINK THE
LESSONS OF THE 1930' S, WHICH UNDERPIN THE UN CHARTER, STILL
HOLD TRUE TODAY: THAT INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES MUST NOT BE
SETTLED BY FORCE; THAT NATIONAL BORDERS MUST BE RESPECTED;
AND THAT THOSE WHO USE FORCE MUST NOT BE PERMITTED TO
PREVAIL. THOSE LESSONS ESTABLISH PRINCIPLES THAT ENGAGE OUR REAL,
TANGIBLE INTERESTS, NOT JUST OUR SENSE OF RIGHT AND WRONG.
THE SECURITY AND PROSPERITY OF THE WORLD, AND THE SECURITY
AND PROSPERITY OF AUSTRALIA, WILL DEPEND IN THE YEARS AHEAD
ON THE STRENGTH OF THOSE PRINCIPLES. AND THE STRENGTH OF
THOSE PRINCIPLES IN THE YEARS AHEAD DEPENDS ABSOLUTELY ON
THE SUPPORT WE GIVE THEM TODAY.
THIS IS THE BROAD FRAMEWORK WITHIN WHICH THE GOVERNMENT HAS
CONSIDERED IRAQ'S INVASION OF KUWAIT, AND AUSTRALIA'S
RESPONSE. WITHIN THAT FRAMEWORK, MR SPEAKER, IRAQ'S ACTIONS ARE CAUSE
FOR VERY DEEP CONCERN. THAT CONCERN ARISES FROM THE NATURE
OF IRAQ'S LEADERSHIP, FROM THE CAPABILITIES OF ITS ARMED
FORCES, AND FROM THE NATURE OF THE GULF REGION ITSELF.
IRAQ'S GOVERNMENT HAS, OVER MANY YEARS, PROVED THAT IT IS
WILLING AND EVEN EAGER TO USE ARMED FORCE TO ACHIEVE ITS
NATIONAL GOALS; AND THAT THOSE GOALS ENCOMPASS NOTHING LESS
THAN THE DOMINATION OF ALL ITS NEIGHBOURS IRANIAN AS WELL
AS ARAB AND THE ACCUMULATION OF GREATER AND GREATER POWER
AT THE EXPENSE OF THEM. ANY WHO DOUBT THAT ANALYSIS OF
IRAQI INTENTIONS SHOULD ASK IRAQ'S NEIGHBOURS THEMSELVES, IN
THE GULF AND IN THE MIDDLE EAST GENERALLY.
BUT THE IRAQI GOVERNMENT'S AMBITION HAS BEEN MATCHED BY ITS
RUTHLESSNESS INCLUDING TO ITS OWN CITIZENS. IN THE WAR
WITH IRAN IT INFLICTED YEARS OF SUFFERING AND HUNDREDS OF
-THOUSANDS-OF-CASUALTIES-ON--THE-PEOPLE OF IRAQ, FOR A FEW
MILES OF GROUND THAT IT HAS NOW SURRENDERED. AND IN
KURDISTAN THE IRAQI GOVERNMENT GASSED ITS OWN PEOPLE.
BUT THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ IS NOT ONLY VERY RUTHLESS AND
VERY AMBITIOUS; IT IS ALSO VERY POWERFUL. IT HAS ONE OF THE
LARGEST ARMIES IN THE WORLD, WELL-EQUIPPED AND BATTLEHARDENED,
AND A LARGE AIRFORCE. IT HAS A LARGE FORCE OF
BALLISTIC MISSILES, A MASSIVE CHEMICAL ARSENAL, AND A
PROGRAM TO DEVELOP NUCLEAR WEAPONS WITHIN A FEW YEARS.
3.
THAT POWER IS BASED ON OIL. THE GULF REMAINS THE HUB OF THE
WORLD OIL MARKET. IRAQ, KUWAIT AND SAUDI ARABIA ALONE HOLD
NEARLY HALF OF THE WORLD'S OIL RESERVES. THAT IS A VERY
IMPORTANT ASPECT OF THIS SITUATION, FOR TWO REASONS.
THE FIRST IS THAT IRAQ'S POWER WOULD INCREASE DRAMATICALLY
IF IT COULD CONTROL KUWAIT'S OIL ASSETS, AND EVEN MORE IF IT
CONTROLLED SAUDI ARABIA'S. WITH INCREASING POWER WOULD COME
INCREASING AMBITION, MAKING IRAQ EVEN MORE DANGEROUS THAN IT
IS TODAY.
THE SECOND IS THAT ANY NATION WHICH CONTROLLED THE OIL
INDUSTRIES OF IRAQ, KUWAIT AND SAUDI ARABIA WOULD BE ABLE TO
DICTATE OIL PRICES. THERE CAN BE NO DOUBT WHAT IRAQ'S
PRICING POLICY WOULD BE; AND THERE CAN BE NO DOUBT WHAT THAT
WOULD MEAN FOR THE WORLD'S ECONOMY AND FOR AUSTRALIA'S.
WE MAY BE A NET ENERGY EXPORTER, BUT WE IMPORT OIL, AND THE
MARKETS FOR OUR EXPORTS DEPEND ABSOLUTELY CRITICALLY ON THE
ECONOMIES OF OUR CUSTOMERS.
I DO NOT INTEND TO GO INTO THE MERITS OF IRAQ'S GRIEVANCES
AGAINST KUWAIT, NOR OF ITS CLAIMS TO KUWAIT'S TERRITORY.
THEY ARE IRRELEVANT TO THE CURRENT CASE; BECAUSE NO MATTER
HOW STRONG THOSE CLAIMS MIGHT BE, THERE CAN BE NO
JUSTIFICATION FOR ASSERTING THEM BY ARMED FORCE. AS I
EMPHASISED TO THE IRAQI AMBASSADOR WHEN HE CALLED ON ME
YESTERDAY, IF IRAQ DOES HAVE GRIEVANCES THEY SHOULD BE
ADDRESSED THROUGH PROPER, INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNISED AND
PEACEFUL PROCEDURES.
MR SPEAKER, I WANT TO TURN NOW TO REVIEW THE STEPS TAKEN BY
AUSTRALIA AND BY THE WORLD COMMUNITY TO MEET THE CHALLENGE
POSED BY IRAQ'S ACTIONS. THE GOVERNMENT HAS CONDEMNED THE
INVASION OF KUWAIT BY IRAQ IN THE MOST DIRECT TERMS. THE
OPPOSITION HAS DONE THE SAME, AND I WELCOME THAT. I HOPE
THAT THIS HOUSE, SPEAKING AS IT DOES IN A VERY SPECIAL WAY
FOR ALL AUSTRALIANS, WILL EXPRESS ITS CONDEMNATION THROUGH
THE RESOLUTION WE ARE PROPOSING.
THE FACT THAT THE VAST MAJORITY OF AUSTRALIANS AGREE IN
CONDEMNING IRAQ'S INVASION IS IMPORTANT. BUT HOW MUCH MORE
IMPORTANT IS IT THAT GOVERNMENTS AND PEOPLE ALL OVER THE
WORLD HAVE FELT THE SAME CONCERN, AND EXPRESSED THE SAME
CONDEMNATION? THATITAL.-CONSENSUS . HAS-BEEN-REFLECTED IN THE UN, WHERE THE
SECURITY COUNCIL HAS NOT ONLY BEEN ABLE, PROMPTLY AND
UNANIMOUSLY, TO PASS RESOLUTIONS CONDEMNING THE INVASION. IT
HAS ALSO BEEN ABLE, FOR THE FIRST TIME, TO GO BEYOND THAT TO
ADOPT MANDATORY AND COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC SANCTIONS
DESIGNED TO COMPEL AN IRAQI WITHDRAWAL.
AUSTRALIA IS COMMITTED TO IMPLEMENTING THOSE SANCTIONS WITH
FULL RIGOUR. THAT WILL NOT BE WITHOUT COST; IRAQ HAS BEEN A
MAJOR EXPORT MARKET FOR AUSTRALIA. BUT WE HAVE NO CHOICE;
ECONOMIC SANCTIONS ARE AN ESSENTIAL ELEMENT OF THE
4.
INTERNATIONAL EFFORT TO RESTORE PEACE AND STABILITY TO THE
MIDDLE EAST. THE ECONOMIC AND SECURITY COSTS OF SHIRKING
THAT RESPONSIBILITY ARE MUCH GREATER THAN THE COSTS OF THE
SANCTIONS THEMSELVES.
BUT THE SANCTIONS WILL NOT DO THE JOB BY THEMSELVES. THEY
WILL ACT, SLOWLY BUT SURELY, TO FORCE IRAQ TO GIVE UP
KUWAIT. IN THE SHORT TERM, HOWEVER, THERE HAS BEEN AN
URGENT NEED TO DETER IRAQ FROM TAKING EVEN MORE TERRITORY.
IN THE DAYS AFTER ITS INVASION OF KUWAIT, IRAQ BUILT UP HUGE
FORCES ON THE BORDER WITH SAUDI ARABIA. ALL THE EVIDENCE
POINTED TO A PLAN TO INVADE SAUDI ARABIA AND SEIZE THE SAUDI
OIL-FIELDS WHICH LIE CLOSE TO KUWAIT ON THE SHORES OF THE
GULF. TO RESPOND TO THAT VERY RAPIDLY EMERGING THREAT, IT WAS
NECESSARY TO ACT QUICKLY. AT THE REQUEST OF SAUDI ARABIA,
THE US DEPLOYED FORCES SWIFTLY TO DETER FURTHER IRAQI
AGGRESSION. AFTER AN HISTORIC MEETING OF THE ARAB SUMMIT
OTHER ARAB STATES QUICKLY FOLLOWED, PROVIDING FORCES OF
THEIR OWN TO HELP DEFEND SAUDI ARABIA FROM IRAQ, AND
ENDORSING THE US CONTRIBUTION.
THIS OPERATION APPEARS TO HAVE SUCCEEDED IN DETERRING AN
IRAQI INVASION OF SAUDI ARABIA, AND THOSE INVOLVED DESERVE
CREDIT FOR IT. I WANT TO BE ABSOLUTELY CLEAR ABOUT THIS IN
THE ABSENCE OF SUCH ACTION I BELIEVE IT HIGHLY LIKELY THAT
WE WOULD BE FACED NOW NOT WITH A MILITARY STAND-OFF, DEEPLY
WORRYING AND DANGEROUS THOUGH THAT IS, BUT WITH ACTUAL
HOSTILITIES; NOT TO MINCE WORDS WAR.
AND THIS ACTION HAS THEREFORE PROVIDED A FRAMEWORK IN WHICH
SANCTIONS CAN DO THEIR WORK. BUT TO BE EFFECTIVE THE
SANCTIONS ALSO NEED TO BE ENFORCED. AND IT IS AT THIS POINT
THAT I WANT NOW TO DESCRIBE THE DECISIONS MY GOVERNMENT HAS
TAKEN IN DEPLOYING SHIPS OF THE RAN TO THE GULF REGION.
MR SPEAKER, THIS HAS BEEN A VERY SERIOUS DECISION. I HAVE
LEFT IT UP TILL THIS POINT IN MY STATEMENT TODAY BECAUSE I
HAVE WANTED TO PLACE OUR DECISIONS IN THE CONTEXT IN WHICH
WE MADE THEM; THAT IS, IN THE LIGHT OF OUR ASSESSMENTS OF
THE BROADER INTERNATIONAL FRAMEWORK, OF THE PARTICULAR
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE IRAQI REGIME AND OF THE GULF REGION,
AND OF THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ALL OF THESE FOR AUSTRALIA.
AUSTRALIA VALUES ITS ALLIANCES, BUT WE RECOGNISE THAT
INCREASINGLY WE WILL HAVE TO LOOK TO OUR OWN SECURITY. AS A
SELF-tRELIANT COUNTRY, WE MAY-NEED -TO. DEPEND MORE AND MORE IN
THE YEARS AHEAD ON THE PRINCIPLES OF THE UN CHARTER TO
PROTECT OUR INTERESTS. SO WE ARE NOT SENDING SHIPS TO THE
GULF REGION TO SERVE OUR ALLIES; WE ARE GOING TO PROTECT THE
INTERNATIONAL RULE OF LAW WHICH WILL BE VITAL TO OUR
SECURITY, HOWEVER OUR ALLIANCES MAY DEVELOP IN THE FUTURE.
AFTER CAREFULLY ASSESSING AUSTRALIA'S INTERESTS, THE NATURE
OF THE JOB TO BE DONE, AND OUR ABILITY TO DO IT, THE
GOVERNMENT DECIDED TO DEPLOY TWO GUIDED MISSILE FRIGATES AND
ONE REPLENISHMENT OILER TO PARTICIPATE IN THE ENFORCEMENT OF
THE UN EMBARGO AGAINST IRAQ.
MANY OTHER NATIONS HAVE REACHED OR ARE CONSIDERING THE SAME
DECISION. SO FAR THE US, UK, FRANCE, CANADA AND THE
NETHERLANDS HAVE ANNOUNCED THAT THEY WILL DEPLOY SHIPS TO
ACT IN SUPPORT OF THE EMBARGO AGAINST IRAQ: WHILE ITALY,
THE FRG, GREECE, SPAIN, BELGIUM AND PORTUGAL ARE CONSIDERING
WHAT ROLE THEY CAN PLAY.
IN JOINING THIS GROUP, AUSTRALIA IS ACTING WITHIN THE UN
CHARTER TO ASSIST KUWAIT AT ITS SPECIFIC REQUEST TO
EXERCISE ITS RIGHT OF SELF-DEFENCE, UNDER ARTICLE 51,
THROUGH IMPLEMENTATION OF THE UN ECONOMIC SANCTIONS.
LIKE MOST MEMBERS OF THE GROUP, AUSTRALIA BELIEVES THAT THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF A UN FORCE ACTING UNDER THE UN FLAG AS
PROVIDED FOR EXPLICITLY BY ARTICLE 42 OF THE UN CHARTER
WOULD BE THE BEST FRAMEWORK FOR ENFORCEMENT OF THE UN'S
ECONOMIC SANCTIONS, AND WE ARE WORKING HARD TO ACHIEVE THAT.
THERE IS AS WELL A NUMBER OF ALTERNATIVE MECHANISMS
AVAILABLE UNDER THE UN UMBRELLA TO ENHANCE DIRECT UN
INVOLVEMENT IN THE OPERATION OF THE FORCE. THESE ARE BEING
EXPLORED. BUT WE BELIEVE THAT THE INTERESTS OF THE UN
ITSELF, AS WELL AS THE DYNAMICS OF THE SITUATION IN THE
GULF, REQUIRE THAT WE WORK WITHIN THE VERY CLEAR LEGAL
FRAMEWORK PROVIDED BY ARTICLE 51 UNTIL THESE ISSUES HAVE
BEEN RESOLVED.
WE BELIEVE THAT TO REFUSE TO PARTICIPATE UNLESS A FULLYFLEDGED
UN FORCE WAS ESTABLISHED WOULD MAKE IT LESS LIKELY
THAT SUCH A FORCE WOULD BE ESTABLISHED, AND MORE LIKELY THAT
THE ECONOMIC SANCTIONS, AND THE UN ITSELF, WOULD FAIL IN
MEETING IRAQ'S AGGRESSION.
OUR SHIPS ARE BEING SENT TO THE GULF REGION WITH A CLEAR
MISSION TO ASSIST IN ENFORCING ECONOMIC SANCTIONS. THE
GOVERNMENT HAS DEFINED THE WAY IN WHICH OUR SHIPS WILL
OPERATE IN FULFILLING THAT MISSION IDENTIFICATION,
CONTACT, INTERROGATION AND WARNING AND DISCUSSIONS ARE NOW
UNDER WAY WITH OTHER PARTICIPANTS TO ESTABLISH COORDINATION
PROCEDURES AND AREAS OF OPERATIONS. THE OPERATIONAL ROLES
OF OUR SHIPS WILL BE REVIEWED IF NECESSARY TO ENSURE THAT
. THE'L. MEET . THE AIM OF. . THE DEPLOYMENT, BUT OUR DISCUSSIONS SO
FAR HAVE CONFIRMED THAT THEIR CURRENT ROLES WILL ALLOW THEM
TO FULFIL THEIR MISSION WITH A SENSIBLE MINIMUM OF FORCE.
ANY CHANGE TO THE ROLE PROPOSED FOR THE AUSTRALIAN SHIPS
WOULD NECESSARILY INVOLVE THE WIDEST POSSIBLE CONSULTATION.
I SHOULD MAKE IT QUITE CLEAR HERE THAT OUR SHIPS ARE NOT
BEING SENT TO THE GULF REGION TO ATTACK IRAQ. THEY WILL
ENGAGE IRAQI ARMED FORCES ONLY IN SELF-DEFENCE.
6.
OUR SHIPS ARE WELL-SUITED TO THE ROLE WE ARE ASKING THEM TO
FULFIL. THEY ARE THE MOST MODERN SHIPS IN OUR FLEET,
EQUIPPED WITH STATE-OF-THE-ART WEAPONS AND SENSOR SYSTEMS,
AND MANNED BY CREWS THAT ARE AS GOOD AS ANY IN THE WORLD.
THE SANE TYPE OF SHIPS ARE SERVING WITH THE US NAVY IN THE
GULF REGION AT THE MOMENT, ON SIMILAR TASKS TO THOSE OUR
SHIPS WILL PERFORM.
NONETHELESS, WE MUST ACKNOWLEDGE THAT THE DEPLOYMENT OF
SHIPS IS NOT WITHOUT DANGER, AND THIS HAS BEEN REFLECTED IN
THE CONDITIONS OF SERVICE FOR PERSONNEL ON THE DEPLOYMENT
WHICH WERE APPROVED BY CABINET LAST WEEK.
APART FROM THIS DEPLOYMENT IN SUPPORT OF THE UN SANCTIONS,
THE GOVERNMENT WILL CONTINUE TO PURSUE DIPLOMATIC APPROACHES
TO THE PROBLEMS IN THE GULF. WE DO NOT SEEK CONFLICT
ABSOLUTELY THE OPPOSITE. WE WILL SUPPORT ANY CONSTRUCTIVE
DIPLOMATIC EFFORT TO RESOLVE THE CRISIS. BUT THAT CANNOT BE
THROUGH TURNING A BLIND EYE TO AGGRESSION, AND IT CANNOT
SUCCEED WITHOUT THE MAINTENANCE OF PRESSURE ON IRAQ. OUR
FOREIGN MINISTER, SENATOR EVANS, WILL LEAVE TOMORROW FOR
EUROPE WHERE HE WILL CONSULT THE CHAIRMAN OF THE EC BEFORE
VISITING CAIRO, NEW YORK AND WASHINGTON FOR DISCUSSIONS ON
THE CRISIS, RETURNING TO BRIEF CABINET BEFORE THE END OF
NEXT WEEK.
MR SPEAKER, IT IS OF COURSE DIFFICULT TO SAY HOW THE CRISIS
IN THE GULF WILL DEVELOP FROM HERE. LOGIC SHOULD DICTATE
THAT THE IRAQI REGIME RECOGNISING THAT IT HAS AROUSED THE
ANGER OF THE WHOLE WORLD, THAT IT WILL NOT BE ALLOWED TO
SUCCEED, AND THAT IT WILL PAY A HIGH PENALTY FOR ITS
ADVENTURISM SHOULD WITHDRAW FROM KUWAIT AND ALLOW THE
RESTORATION OF THE LEGITIMATE GOVERNMENT THERE. I EARNESTLY
HOPE THAT THAT MIGHT HAPPEN, AND HAPPEN SOON. BUT THE
BEHAVIOUR OF IRAQ'S GOVERNMENT GIVES NO GROUND FOR OPTIMISM.
IN PARTICULAR, WE ARE ALL APPALLED BY THE ACTIONS OF IRAQ'S
GOVERNMENT IN DETAINING FOREIGN NATIONALS INCLUDING
AUSTRALIANS AGAINST THEIR WILL, AND IN PARTICULAR THE
CONTEMPTIBLE PRACTICE OF PLACING THEM AS HUMAN SHIELDS
AROUND IRAQ'S ARSENAL OF OFFENSIVE WEAPONS. IN THE LANGUAGE
OF THE RESOLUTION, THIS IS AN OUTRAGE AGAINST ALL THE NORMS
OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, INTERNATIONAL CONDUCT AND HUMAN
DECENCY. ANY MISTREATMENT OF THESE PEOPLE WILL BE A STAIN
ON IRAQ'S GOVERNMENT FOR EVER.
ABOUT 150 AUSTRALIANS ARE AMONG THOSE BEING HELD IN IRAQ AND
KUWAITAGAINST-THE-IR WILL. -THE-GOVERNMENT, THROUGH THE
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND TRADE AND IN COOPERATION
WITH OUR FRIENDS, IS DOING ALL IT CAN TO HELP AND ADVISE
THESE PEOPLE. WE CANNOT SIMPLY, BY SOME ACTION OF OUR OWN,
RESTORE THEIR FREEDOM. BUT WE CAN AND WILL TAKE EVERY
ACTION OPEN TO US CONSISTENT WITH OUR PRINCIPLES TO
PERSUADE THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ TO DO SO.
THE ONLY SOLUTION TO THE CRISIS CREATED BY IRAQ'S INVASION
OF KUWAIT IS FOR IRAQ TO WITHDRAW FROM KUWAIT AND TO RELEASE
ALL FOREIGN NATIONALS. WE HOPE THAT WILL HAPPEN, BUT WE
7.
CANNOT ASSUME THAT IT WILL HAPPEN SOON. THE EMBARGO WILL
TAKE TIME TO WORK. IT WOULD BE WRONG OF ME TO HOLD OUT HOPE
OF AN EARLY BREAKTHROUGH. WHAT WE NEED IS CLARITY OF
PURPOSE, AND FIRM RESOLVE.
MR SPEAKER, BEFORE CONCLUDING I WANT TO MAKE IT PLAIN THAT
WE DO NOT CONDEMN THE PEOPLE OF IRAQ. WE CONDEMN THE
ACTIONS OF THEIR GOVERNMENT. THE PEOPLES OF AUSTRALIA AND
IRAQ ARE NOT INHERENTLY HOSTILE TO EACH OTHER. THERE
REMAINS AT THIS FUNDAMENTAL LEVEL THE BASIS FOR COOPERATION
ONCE THE PRESENT CRISIS IS SATISFACTORILY RESOLVED. THE
RESPONSIBILITY FOR RESOLVING THE CRISIS LIES TOTALLY IN THE
HANDS OF THOSE WHO BROUGHT IT ABOUT THE GOVERNMENT OF
IRAQ. THE LANGUAGE OF THE RESOLUTION WHICH I PROPOSE BE ADOPTED BY
THE PARLIAMENT IS CRYSTAL CLEAR. IT EMBODIES IN PLAIN TERMS
ALL THE ELEMENTS OF ATTITUDE AND APPROACH TO THE CRISIS
WHICH I HAVE DESCRIBED AS BEING APPROPRIATE FOR AUSTRALIA.
IT REFLECTS OUR CONVICTIONS AS A PEOPLE AND OUR INTERESTS AS
A NATION.
AUSTRALIA IS GEOGRAPHICALLY DISTANT FROM THE CRISIS. BUT
OUR INTERESTS ARE REAL AND THEY ARE IMPORTANT. WE HAVE A
REAL STAKE IN SUPPORTING PROPER NORMS OF INTERNATIONAL
BEHAVIOUR BETWEEN NATIONS IN THE POST COLD WAR WORLD WHICH
IS EMERGING. WE HAVE A REAL STAKE IN DOING WHAT WE CAN TO
PREVENT THE MIDDLE EAST FROM BEING ENGULFED IN A WIDENING
CONFLICT. WE HAVE A REAL STAKE IN THE AFFAIRS OF A REGION
WHICH PROVIDES THE VAST BULK OF ONE OF THE COMMODITIES MOST
VITAL TO THE HEALTH OF THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY.
OUR POLICY MUST CONTINUE TO BE GOVERNED BY A CLEAR-HEADED
RECOGNITION OF THOSE INTERESTS AND BY CAREFUL AND
RESPONSIBLE CONSIDERATION OF THE MEANS OPEN TO US TO PROTECT
THEM. THE ADOPTION BY THE PARLIAMENT OF THIS RESOLUTION
WILL SEND A VALUABLE SIGNAL A SIGNAL OF CLARITY AND OF
FIRMNESS IN AUSTRALIA'S ATTITUDE AND APPROACH TO THIS
EXTREMELY IMPORTANT ISSUE. I COMMEND IT TO THE HOUSE.
PARLIAMENTARY RESOLUTION GULF COMMITMENT
Mr Speaker
I seek leave to move a motion in relation to recent events
in the Middle East, precipitated by the Iraqi invasion of
Kuwait. ( Leave granted]
Mr Speaker
I move that this House
First, condemns
the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq as contrary to
international law and morality
the threat posed to the territorial integrity of Saudi
Arabia by Iraq's deployment of massive armed forces on
the borders of Saudi Arabia
the outrage to the norms of international law,
international conduct and human decency of detaining
foreign nationals including Australians against
their will, and in particular the contemptible practice
of placing them as human shields to protect Iraq's
aggressive military capabilities.
Second, calls upon Iraq to
withdraw all its forces unconditionally from Kuwait
facilitate the restoration of the legal government of
Kuwait and respect the rights of foreign nationals.
Third, affirms
the fundamental importance of the United Nations
*-Charter-as-the -basis for the-conduct of international
relations and the preservation of peace
and, in particular, the vital principle of the sanctity
of international borders.
2.
Fourth, welcomes
the United Nation's prompt and unprecedented action in
condemning Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and in adopting
mandatory and comprehensive sanctions against Iraq to
force it to comply with the UN's decisions
Fifth, supports
the Australian Government's prompt action to implement
UN sanctions
the Government's decision to send ships of the RAN to
the Middle East to assist by means of identification,
contact, interrogation and warning in enforcing UN
sanctions against Iraq under Article 51 of the UN
Charter the Australian Government's continuing diplomatic
efforts at the UN and elsewhere
to bring the enforcement of sanctions under
explicit UN control through further appropriate
resolutions of the Security Council, and
to find a speedy and peaceful resolution to the
crisis
and Sixth, expresses
concern for the welfare of Australians held in Iraq and
Kuwait against their will, and sympathy for the
apprehensions of their families and loved ones about
their welfare.