AS DELIVERED " 14> 2> 1 AL&
PRIME MINISTER1
FOR MEDIA TUESDAY, 30 MARCH 1982.
ADDRESS TC) PARLIAMENTARY LUNCHEON FOR THE KING OF SWEDEN
on behalf ol: the Australian Government and the Australian
Parliament and people, I extend to Your Majesty, Princess
Christina arid the -distinguished members of your party a very
warm welcome to Australia, very warm welcome to Canberra. We
hope that you enjoy your time here, and that you will come back, again.
our two countries are-at opposite points of the Earth. Yet
the links between us are strong and go back to the earliest
period of European settlement of Australia,
Travelling with Captain James Cook on his first voyage to
Australia in 1770 was a Swedish botanist Daniel Solanderwho
was Joseph Banks' chief assistant.
our modern association is nourished by the presence of many
people fromt Swedeni who-have with their descendants contributed
sb' much to the vitality of Australian society. The Swedish camunity
here has contributed a very great deal indeed in the development of our
taste for quality in everyday things and to our culture as a
whole.-
We have a living link too, in the commercial relationship
which has . always been a strong one. Looking to the future,
each country can expect the other to be a secure and reliable
economic partner. The Nuclear Safeguards Agreement now in force
opens the way to a-further development of our economic
relationship when Swedish purchases of Australian uranium
get under vway. It can be no coincidence therefore that your
party includes your distinguished Minister for Industry, Mr
Asling, and. that y6ur program includes visits to the NSW
coalfields and to the large natural resources projects in
Western Australia. Indeed Your Majesty, in a short tinre you will
be seeing a great deal of Austalia.
Your visit is welcome for all these reasons, and not the
least because you personally have been able to accept our
invitation., you succeeded your grandfather at the young / 2
2
age of 27 after periods in the Swedish Navy and in Sweden's
diplomatic service. You obtained practical experience of
international commerce and banking in the United Kingdom.
This background has placed you in a strong position to
promote Sweden's international economic interests, a task
which I know is high on your agenda for this state visit.
It is a pity that your time does not allow you to pursue
your scuba-diving and boating interests on the Great Barrier
Reef, but perhaps that is something which will enable us to
entice you back at some time in the future.
While we are delighted to have you with us, Your Majesty,
we are sorry not also to be able to welcome Her Majesty
Queen Silvia. As Queen Silvia is expecting her third child
not long after your return to Sweden her inability to make the
journey here is for the best reasons, as most Australians
are very ready to understand. This year, 1982, is going to
be remembered for the arrival of royal children. Your visit
will make it possible for you to take home personally our best
wishes for the happy event later this year.
As Crown Prince, you visited Sydney
and Fremantle in 1967 as d cadet on a Swedish naval training
ship. Certainly the comparisons you can make with your
earlier visit will gi\ ve you the measure of the change and
development which has-occurred in Australia in the intervening
years. You will see many signs of this change, as you make
contact with various parts of our country during the next week.
Economic achievements are the attributes of our two nations
which b; 7r the most visible resemblance.
There are, however, other more important things we have in common.
Despite differences in our history, and vast differences in
our geography and regional environments, we have developed
a number of similar values and have expressed them in similar
political structures. Australia and Sweden share a fundamental
commitment to the democratic process and to the rights,
freedoms arid well-being of all ocpeople, no : atter who they are
or what they are. Swedes and Australians hold these values to
be the basic purpose of their states.
Internationally, we are eachstrongly committed to making the
necessary sacrifices to protect this way of life. The
foreign poLicies of our two countries may diverge as to
the means seen to be necessary to rprotect these values, but our
goals are the same. Your country has a policy of neutrality
while ours is one of alliance with the United States and other allies.
The option Sweden has chosen is not an easy one. It has
involved your country in very significant defence costs.
Measured in dollars per head of population your country's
commitment to defence is the third highest in Western Europe.
You are obviously determined to protect your right to neutrality. / 3
-3
The objective of self-sufficiency has entailed universal
national service for Sweden and the channelling of investment
into a substantial defence industry. And Sweden's neutrality
is not a neutrality of silence arid withdrawal. Your
country has participated actively in the United flations
peacekeeping operations and by very spirited and active diplomacy.
Sweden has stood up for the extension of human rights and
championed the campaign against racism. Your country was
among the fir'st of the developed nations to recognise the
enormous importance of international development assistance
in overcoming the poverty of the Third World. Your country
has originated some of the most significant innovations
in peace research, and through the Nobel Foundation has
internationalised intellectual achievement and man's knowledge
of himself.
Australia has been able to co-operate closely with Sweden
in many of these spheres. We have worked together particularly
well in international arms control efforts, including those
aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons.
But no country, least of all middle
powers such as Australia and Sweden, can avoid the responsibility
of looking beyond their immediate regions to the world as a
whole. Only half a decade ago the vision before us seemed
generally bEnign. It was a world in which East/ West tensions
were at a law ebb; in which arms control negotiations held out
some prospect of a significant slowing of the arms race; in
which ongoin~ g economic growth seemed substantially attainable.
There was art air of optimism despite serious problems such as
oil prices; there was a feeling that the future was manageable
and that it was bound to keep on being better than the past.
Now, however, we look out at an increasingly troubled and
uncertain wcorld scene. The economic situation in the
industrialised countries is plainly a cause of serious concern.
Economic growth has slowed markedly, indeed, OECD estimates for
1981 indicate a fall of 2% for the United Kingdom and 1% for
the Federal. Republic of* Germany. Even when the performances
of France an~ d Italy were added, the average growth of the
four major European economies last year was a minusquantity.
Economic stagnation, the tenacity of high inflation and the
continuing h'igh levels of unemployment are threatening to
overturn thE! expectation of constantly improving living
standards which has underpinned the buoyancy of mood of the
post-war generations. There is an urgent need for solutions
to be found for these problems, and obviously their consequence
for the well-being of our peoples goes further than living
standards. For the adverse economic conditions in western
countries make it so much more difficult for their leaders
to deal with. the strategic dangers arising out of the present
state of East-West relations. ./ 4
-4
The dangerous; deterioration in East-West relationships is
another feature of the world scene which has become evident in
recent years.
Whatever one' s views on the effectiveness and realism of some
of the policies of detente which commanded great support in
the 1960s and 1970s, it is now clear that the international
behaviour of the Soviet Union is posing a fundamental challenge
to democracie! s. The background of that sketch is
something that we should all ponder and see how we
should address ourselves to the difficulties. It is beyond
doubt that the Soviet Union's guidelines for its international
dealings are no different to the rule that applies for dealing
with people living within its own boundaries. That also
is not a particular cause for optimism.
A further consequence of the uncertainties which have arisen
recently is aL faltering in the momentum towards a serious
and comprehensive dialogue between the countries of the
industrialised North and the developing South. Because both
our countries have worked so hard on economic development
issues over past years, any failure by the international
community to address these matters adequately would come as
a particularly bitter blow.
Sweden and Australia working together with countries which
share many similar values, must maintain our efforts to
restore confidence about the world climate which is lackinq
now. We must. work to re-establish discussion -on
these issues otherwise there is going to be a great deal of
unhappiness a~ nd great deal of disillusion amongst many,
many families; indeed. We must not lose sight of the
major asset which healthy relations between our countries
bring to this task. Your visit here Your Majesty is certainly
going to assist in this. We welcome very much the fact
that you have! come to visit us. I am confident that
your visit to Australia will mark the maturing of such a
relationship between Sweden and this country and make that
realtionship hold great promise for the future.