FOR MEDIA THURSDAY, 27 MARCH, 19
ADDRESSTO AUSTRALIAN LIBERAL SUET,,-1
FEDERATION RR
Tamie and I are honoured that you have chosen in t us
way to commemorate my 25 years in the Commonwealth Pa I ament.
Indeed, it is a great night for the Liberal Party, gathered
as we are in the name of a great cause within the walls of
one of Australia's great universities.
Perhaps the ultimate pleasure is that we can boast a gathering
of this size in what is surely not a heart-land of Liberalism.
Because this -is a commemorative occasion, there is a tendency
to reflect, to walk * over the past. There is no harm in this.
So long as it informs us about the directions we should take
in the future. Indeed there is some fascination in comparing
the changing face of Australia during those 25 years.
In 1955 there were 10 universities in Australia.. Now there
are 19. There were 49,000 students in tertiary education;
now there are 317,000. Since I came to Parliament our population
has increased by over 5 million. The percentage of our
population born overseas has risen from 14 per cent to about
per cent. Average weekly earnings rose in real terms ( 74/ 75)
from $ 87 to $ 152. GDP per head rose in money terms from $ 1,056
to $ 7,091 in real terms from $ 2,600 to $ 4,800.
In 1955, there were 220 cars per thousand head of population.
In 1977, there were 463. In 25 years, our national development
has undergone tremendous change. A rich artistic and cultural
talent today complements our national purpose. The world of
theatre, opera, ballet, film, science, literature and sport
has produced great Australians.
Their greatness has been measured against the best in the world.
Rarely has it been found wanting. It is a story of diversity
and achievement, for our size, perhaps unparalleled throughout
the world. But we have to be careful in looking back.
For what one sees is often blurred by time or reduced to a
series of incidents, often not truly representative of the
past. Moreover, the excitement of life belongs to the future,
to what is going to happen tomorrow, next year, in the next decade.
The future invites a contemplation of the people and the ideas
that will influence events; of the challenges and contests that
will engage our energies; of the kind of society that ./ 2
-2
this will bring. The fascination about the future is that it is
unknown and therefore uncertain; and so still capable of being
influenced by. people with ideas and convictions. That provides
a challenge to us all.
With confidence in ourselves and confidence in the capacity
of the Australian people we can look to the future with hope
and justified optimism.
In the years ahead, we will be met by challenge and change.
But let me talk just for a moment about some changes in the
past because that could be instructive for the future. When
I first entered Parliament the circumstances confronting
Australia then were considerably different from those we are
experiencing now. It was 10 years after the War; only 4 years
since we signed a peace treaty with Japan. Australians, living
through those times, had been haunted by the fear of invasion
and occupation.
The War and the successful fight for Australian freedom left
indelible memories, inspired in us a pride in what had been
achieved. It left us all with an obligation to the past and
a great responsibility to the future. our fathers had fought
through depression and war for a belief and an ideal. We owed
it to them to take up the fight for the kind of Australia in which
they believed. We have an obligation to our children to see that
we hand on that freedom, extended and enriched.
Understandably, the Australian of the decades immediately after
the War was fiercely independent with great reserves of ambition
and pride. It was not until 1949, when Sir Robert Menzies came
to power that war time controls, restrictions and restraints were
removed.
This unleashed the enthusiasm, energies and creativity of the
Australian people. When these became allied to the new opportunities
activity, productivity and investment grew and diversified through
the 50s and
Our international trading reputation, built on our great rural
industries, was expanded and broadened by a developing manufacturing
sector. Much of this was made possible by a massive migration
programme, bipartisan in concept and execution, which has
enormously enriched Australia's culture and traditions.
Foreign investment brought new technology and skills. Because
of the conviction and faith in Australians; because
of their willingness to accept the opportunities in front of them;
and encouraged by a government committed to freedom in enterprise;
Australia became a land of greater opportunity, producing men and
women of adventure and achievement. Added to that, the mineral
boom brought with it new technologies, new markets, new communities
in remote areas, and new thrusts in decentralisation. The very
successes of the post-war years.-the expansion of Australian
well-being; the quality of Australian home and family life; these
brought with them the belief that they would continue forever;
that difficulty and hardship were things of the past; that there
was no longer a need to strive for a successful future. / 3
-3
Many came to believe that these successes were ours as a right
rather than a reward for effort and achievement. By the
success had brought its own temptations. As Liberals, we were no
less guilty than others. We continued to believe in our
principles but we failed to fight for them. Our dedication,
our idealism, our creativity seemed to dissipate. We did
not adequately recognise that success for individuals,
as for the nation, must be earned.
Whatever the cause, we developed a short sightedness about
the challenge of our political opponents. We took our futures.
for granted and put them in peril. The electorate rang with the
sound of Labor slogans. We were told that Labor would be moderate,
mild, responsible and reasonable, some of us even believed it.
Labor's audience was young,, new and receptive. For them the war
was only history. We had all forgotten the obligations that
freedom imposed. The 70s brought ever-increasing community
expectations unaccompanied by any corresponding commitment to
productivity. The Labor Party encouraged and yielded to these
demands with a whole range of policies and promises for a better
life; for an easier future without effort, without commitment.
In these years, we lost the understanding that as a nation we can
only consume what we produce that dedication to economic growth
is essential if the community demands are to be met. The
contribution to be made to community life by excellence and
achievement gained only limited recognition. Where the crises
of the past were surmounted by the collective commitment of
individual Australians, the 70s became a decade of expectations
devoid of a commitment to obligation, merit, excellence or
exertion. Inevitably, the seeds of inflation were sown; our
industries lost their competitiveness; the rise in
unemployment was guaranteed. The Australian government then,
with those of other countries, was slow to recognise the
corroding effects of inflation. We were overtaken by weakness
in management and by defects in policy.
And as if that were not enough, by 1974, a new external challenge
confronted us the first world oil crisis. For the world as
a whole the switch from low to high cost energy over night
transformed a limited down-turn in the world economy into a
full-scale recession.
Of course, Australia was affected by these events, but they were
effects which were significantly avoidable. We were one of the
few amongst world economies with great natural resources; rich
endowments of energy and a long record of lower inflation. But
instead of policies designed to minimise the effects of adverse
overseas events, Australia pursued policies that compounded
these effects. As a result our international competitiveness
was lost.
In 1975, as in 1949, the Liberal Party was called upon by
the people to revive the national spirit. I appealed then to
Australians to retain their idealism; their faith in
institutions; their sense of reform; their dedication
in democracy. / 4
-4-
I called upon them for a return to Liberal values. I urged
them to recall what they had see-mingly forgotten, that
we must " reward personal initiative, encourage investment..
and mobilise the imagination and the resources of the
Australian people...."
It was met by a comprehensive response from the Australian
electorate. Now, as we enter the 80s, our undeniable
successes are testimony to the judgement of the Australian people.
Indeed, thinking about this occasion tonight, and its significance
to all of us, to Tamie and myself after 25 years in politics, my
over-riding feeling is one of simple good fortune at being an
Australian; pride in having this country in which to bring up
our family; in being privileged enough over a reasonable period
of time to see and take part in Australia's growth and development
as a nation.
We are indisputably a country of modest size, but a country of real
strength. How often is this not adequately recognised by Australians?
How often do we see Australians self-effacing, almost apologetic
about Australia? Is it because we are awed by older countries
larger in population, more powerful in material things. Is it
because Australia's mere 80 years as a nation breeds a lack of
confidence in ourselves and what we can achieve? Do we believe
that Australia's role is to support and follow rather than
contribute and lead? That diffidence, I believe, is unjustified
and its time is past. We are learning to contribute in the world;
to pursue our own thoughts and ideas. I increasingly find a
new sense of confidence, pride and direction in Australia.
These will continue while we maintain conviction and belief that
what we seek is worth pursuing and that we are prepared to work
for it. This will be essential as we face an increasingly
difficult international position. Many major economies are in
trouble with high and rising inflation. The growth of world
markets is slow. Major economies will produce less this year
than last. There is no prospect of a fall in international
unemployment. That means, that in resolving our own difficulties,
Australia cannot look for help from world events.
What we do, we must do for ourselves. We are in a much be tter
position than many other countries. In the United States,
inflation is running at 16%; in the United Kingdom at 18%.
In the United States interest rates have hit 19%. Both countries
are major influences on world events and are in real
difficulties. They are tackling those problems, but they will take time to cure.
It is worth noting because of the strength of our economy; because
of our lower rates of inflation; because of the strength of our
balance of payments; because of the strength of our rural and
export industries;* because of investment opportunities here;
these overseas events impacted upon Australia much less than they
would have in earlier times.
On top of extraordinarily difficult economic problems, major
world countries are now having to respond to a worsening strategic
situation. The Russian invasion of Afghanistan has been
condemned throughout the free world.
The United States is increasing its defence expenditure
greatly.
We are adding to outs. Such a stand should be taken in the
defence of freedom; but inevitably there is a price to be
paid and the necessity of defence decisions has accelerated
inflationary expectations in the USA. That only compounds
economic difficulties confronting major economies.
By any standards the international situation is a difficult one.
Against this background it is possible to still pronounce
confidence in, and optimism for, Australia's future in the
1980s. There are sound reaons. our inflation rate is below
that of most of our major trading partners; we are internationally
competitive; costs are down; exports are up; and employment
is rising.
These are significant achievements; achievements of government
economic management and policies. Because of this, we are
attracting more investment to Australia than would otherwise
be the case. In the two years since 1977, over 6 billion dollars
has been spent on major new investment works in and around
Australia. Now, projects worth nearly three times that amount stand ready
to go. This is a direct result of the transfer of economic
power from government to the private sector, coupled to the
willingness with which the private sector has responded. It is
a paradox that the energy crisis which poses enormous difficulties
for western countries and significant difficulties for us, also
carries with it significant advantages for Australia.
We are one of the few energy exporting countries amongst the
western world. Certainly we are short of oil, but natural gas,
uranium, black and brown coal we have in abundance. We have
relatively abundant and cheap supplies of coal-based
electricity that attracts to us greater investment and
greater opportunities.
The possession of natural resources, and adequate supplies
of energy are coming together to provide the prospects for
a great decade in the 80s. Resource and energy investment
opportunities will provide strength to our economy in the years
ahead, providing an international perception of a strong Australia.
Central to the government's success in attracting investment is
the fact that now, as after 1949, we have pursued policies which
recognise private enterprise as the engine of growth and progress.
our economy has been structured in such a way as to limit the
economic power that resides with the government. Indeed, the.
aim of Liberal economic organisation is to produce a multiplicity
of economic power centres because this in turn expands choice
and with that, the economy begins to absorb innovation,
technological change and efficiency. ./ 6
6--
It becomes accountable; it capable of responding to
market adjustment. It of fer:--the opportunity of reward for
risk taking. However, if government accepts the responsibility
to provide such an economic climate in which investment
is worthwhile; in which there are adequate rewards for
risk taking; in which the incentiJves offered by the economy
and available markets provide just return on capital,
technology and expertise; then this carries with it a
corresponding commitment from business to live with the
difficulties and risks of a free enterprise system, in return
for accepting its rewards.
By world standards, the Australian economy is strong. By
world standards, the Australian economy is in good shape.
That is not to say that there are no threats or dangers.
of course there are.
In Australia, a constant determination is required because
of the problems posed by-Left wing dominated trade unions.
Not only in this country, but also overseas, the power of
trade unionism has increased to the point where it constitutes
perhaps the greatest single threat to economic health and
the economic and political freedoms of individual citizens.
There are those who say in the face of union disputes that
the rule of law is inappropriate for their resolution. That
all that is needed is reason and negotiation.
It must bie remembered that several unions have enormous
economic resources, far greater than some corporations; with
the capacity to affect the life of many more people in
the community than any corporation. Yet, when the director
of a business corporation abuses his power, in other words,
when he breaks the law, nobody suggests that he should not
be charged, fined or even jailed. People just say the law
has been broken; a business leader has abused the
privilege of his position.
Yet trade union leaders often with more power than abusiness
director, believe they should be outside the rule
of law. They cause enormous disrut-ption and hardship. They
can send industries bankrupt.
Yet these same men turn their backs and say the law has
no relevance; that we must negotiate;'** that we must be
reasonable; that we must se'\ what is acceptable to the
Transport Workers' Union oi to Mr. Halfpenny and then accept
that.
That is not the kind of Australia you want to live in. It is
not the kind of Australia I intend to live in. No Government
can afford to reach the position where major economic
decisions are taken in fear of reprisal from the Union movement.
Yet in New South Wales it was the Transport Workers' Union,
notthe Government, not Premier Wran, who determined priorities
for emergency fuel. That is not the kind of Australia any
Australian would wish to live in. It is not the kind of
Australia that I intend to manage.
7
Apologists for the exercise of excessive union power argue,
that the rule of law is itself provocative. That it
represents a prescription for confrontation. What kind
of logic is that?
Consider the recent strike situation. Because of unions,
industry was closed down: the community was immobilised:
Australians in their day-to-day lives were inconvenienced
because of decisions taken consciously and deliberately
by Left Wing union leaders. They were decisions taken in
defiance of the community interest.
It is the Union Movement which has confronted the whole
of the Australian community and pursued alleged union rights
exclusively at the expense of community rights.
Nobody could suggest that it was the Government which sought
confrontation. We will do much to seek solutions through
conciliation and negotiation. But we will not betray
reason we will not accept unreasonable demands.
When a large and powerful corporation combines with a large
and powerful union to deny the right of supply of goods
to an individual, then a serious situation has arisen within
our society, within the relevant industry and within the
Union movement.
The situation in which Mr. Laidely has found himself is the
result of an agreement reached between the union and the
corporation. The Arbitration Commission called the
parties to a conference. The petrol distributor was not
asked to participate. The corporations and the union, under
the auspices of the Commission, but without the distributor,
came to an agreement that determined the distributor's fate.
Mr. Laidely was disposed of in his absence.
The Government has requested the parties to inake public
the terms of that agreement but without success. If thfat
agreement were made public, the wider Australian community
would understand very plainly the full weight of this
Government's concern.
If individual freedoms are to be protected from the excesses
of corporation or union power then the framework of the law
within our community must underline the right of survival
of business and the freedom of Australian citizens. Small
businesses in Australia employ up to two million people, a
large part of the workforce. They need to know that there
is adequate protection under the law. ./ 8
-8
If two corporations combine to deny supply to a third party,
it is against the current provisions of the Trade Practices
Act. But if, as in the case in New South Wales, a large
corporation and a powerful union come to an arrangement that
denies supply to a third party, the present law would permit it.
Ministers have been working on this matter and I hope that
decisions can be announced next week, approving amendments
to the Trade Practices Act.
I want to make one other point in relation to this case. The
Arbitration Commission has a powerful influence on Australia's
affairs, being vested with responsibility for settling industrial
disputes. : c believe that all Australians would support me when I say
t~ hat the way in which the responsibilities of the Commission
are accepted should be one which provides for the settlement
of disputes according to the concepts of justice and fairness.
I believe the community would be appalled by any suggestion
t: hat disputes be settled on the basis of power alone.
I~ n this case it is hard to avoid the conclusion that it was
ithe exercise of power which determined the outcome.
There are also many in the community who would believe
t~ hat the manner in which disputes are settled is at least
as important as the nature of the settlement. In other
words, the end does not justify the means.
Just as there are problems and opportunities at home,
so there are abroad. In tackling the problems in seizing
the opportunities in international affairs, our alliances
are of obvious importance to us. But because we are an
A. N. Z. U. S. partner with the United States, and closer, perhaps,
in that alliance than at any time since its signature, that does
niot mean we agree with every manifestation of the USA's
political and strategic policies.
We were founded from Britain: but that does not mean that
we inevitably support a British view. The fact that we are
an aligned Western nation is not incompatible with a future that
is dependent upon new trading relationships as well as those
that existed 20 years ago. It is not incompatible with our
pursuing our common interests with India, a country of vastly
different regions and outlooks to Australia. it is not
incompatible with our taking a view of Africa and influencing
events there in a way which significantly diminishes the
prospects of war and of eventual communist domination of Africa.
I~ f a middle ranking country of Australia's size is to have any
opportunity to influence wider events, it must do so through
reason, through the quality of its arguments. And it is important
that we should take that path. Middle ranking countries should not
just sit back and say that the problems are too great, that it is
o~ nly the super powers or the great powers that can influence them.
The world and our future in it is too important for that
abdication. / 19
9-
Moreover, middle ranking powers who are prepared to pursue
a reasonable path can influence events and have.
Significantly, as a result of these policies, Australia
has won a new respect in diverse forums in the United
States, in Britain; in Europe; in Africa; South East Asia
and the Western Pacific, and indeed in the South Pacific
itself our own immediate region, where we have been
demonstrating a concern for small island states.
Much of this has been achieved by being prepared to examine
issues on their merits, and by rejecting the view that because
we come from the West we can automatically be counted as
part of a Western caucus.
In a number of instances, when we have believed that the Western
Group was too rigid or narrow in its approach, we have struck
out on our own.
And on occasions we have found the Western Group, and countries
from the developing world, moving close, after a time, to
the position we had already taken.
We support the United States when we believe she is right. We
do not support the United States just because it is the
United States. That is well understood and accepted.
But I need to say also that in many of the great issues
affecting the world, Australia's future will inevitably and
significantly depend upon actions and attitudes taken by the
great powers and pre-eminently by the United States. For
there are some things which need doing for the protection and
preservation of the free world that only the largest free
power in the world can accomplish simply because power is
needed for the accomplishment of great objectives.
We all know the dangers the Soviet Union poses to international
peace, the unrelieved pressure, the constant probing, -the
enormous resources devoted to arms as each year passes. The
United States is the only country which can stand against
that. It is the only country with the material power.
It is no more than the plain and accepted truth that in recent
years the United States has been through difficulties. After
Vietnam and Watergate, there were divisions a loss of
direction within the United States.
That has posed difficulties for the whole free world, for the whole
community of independently-minded nations. But in the
United States a few weeks ago, I found a different Americaa
sense of purpose, a sense of conviction, a direction, a unity
behind the President and the Presidency in standing for freedom
and opposing further Soviet aggression.
10
That unity and sense of direction in the United States
generally, which had not been present for many, many years,
perhaps since the War, is most important to any President.
The leadership of the United States must be the loneliest
leadership of all.
President Carter has embarked on the vastly important task
of convincing the Soviet Union that it must not move beyond
Afghanistan, of creating and maintaining pressures against
the Soviet Union while the invasion of Afghanistan lasts,
of seeing to it that the free world of the 80s does not
make the tragic mistakes made in the latter half of the
as step-by-step the world moved closer to the
Second World War.
In that context, the United States' President obviously needs
the support and encouragement of his own Congress, of his
own people. And beyond that, it is my belief and conviction
that the United States, in the matters in which we believe
her to be right, needs the support of other countries such
as Australia.
The United States as the world's greatest free power is very
much aware and very sensible of the responsoibilities that that
entails. They not only want to be right. They want others
to believe and to know that they are right in the course that
they are pursuing for the defence of their freedom and that of
other nations. That is why it is important, if a nation
such as Australia believes the United States is right, that we
say so forthrightly and act accordingly even if at some cost to
ourselves. Without that kind of support, there would be reason
to doubt the capacity of the United States, or of any nation,
to sustain over a period of years the course that will be
necessary if we are to prevent in the 80s all the errors
that an earlier generation of world leadership made in the
The task for all of us is to demonstrate that we are capable of
sustaining an effort over a period of years'which will in an
inevitable and plain way give such a clear signal to the
Soviet Union that they will not embark on any more Afhganistans.
So abroad, as at home, the requirement is to sustain our
beliefs and to work for their realisation. And I am heartened
by the knowledge, as my invitation here tonight confirms, that
there are young people amongst us who, believing in a cause,
are prepared to fight for it.
The success of the Liberal Movement on this campus
has been hard-won. / 11
11
But if it derives from a willingness to surmount obstacles,
a readiness to persist when it would be easier to give up,
a determination to succeed no matter the odds, a dedication
to an ideal no matter how much it may be unfashionable; if
this meeting tonight owes its existence to these, then not
only do I congratulate all members of the Monash University
Liberal Club and the Liberal Students Federation, but I do so
in the knowledge that your membership and your participation
has fitted you well for the challengesyou will meet in
the future.
Because challenge will always be with us, victories can never
be won for all time. That is why we must never vacate the
battlefield. What we must do is to win the fight for freedom
and for our beliefs in our time. We must determine to hand
on to our children, conditions and attitudes in society
which allow for the full exploration of individualism and
creative spirit.
We must never allow the beliefs which brought our country
greatness to become corroded.
Thank you for your generous invitation. Thank you for the
courtesy of your welcome and your hospitality. I am confident
that Australia will be well-served in the years ahead while
the spirit and commitment, so evident here tonight, prevail
within our community. 000---