A\-WC F76/ 103C
1 JUNE 1976
STATEMENT ON THE WORLD SITUATION
Tonight I am going to talk about Australia's place in the world and about
the inter-relationship of. domestic policy and foreign policy. The purpose
of this statement is to outline some of the basic guidelines for the
Government's approach in its dealings with other countries.
The first requirement for an effective Australian role in the world is a
realistic assessment of the state of the world in which Australia must act.
That assessment must, as far as possible, be free of self-deception,
self-delusion. We must be prepared to face the world as it is, and not
as we would like it to be. Only in that way can we avoid becoming
involved in the pursuit of policies whose assumptions are so remote from
reality that their failure is inevitable. Only in that way can we hope to
perceive accurately, possible problems for Australia and seek to overcome
them. Only in that way can we effectively advance our objectives of peace
and security.
To point to possible problems and dangers is not to be gloomy or pessimistic.
It is an essential step in the development of realistic and appropriate
policies. It is an essential step in enabling us to Avoid problems and
dangers which may arise.
First of all, I will discuss the Government's general approach to Australia's
foreign relations. Australia's basic interest is in survival as a free
and democratic country, a country which can work effectively towards a world
in which all people can live in self-respect. We want to help diminish the
dangers of war and conflict, to help others as well as ourselves to
live in peace and prosperity and to work towards an international
environment which is favourable to these ends. There is a yearning in the
world for peace and security. These must be the constant objectives of
our policy.
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We will also seek to further our own deeply held values of democracy,
freedom and respect for the individual at every opportunity. In our
relations with other countries, the ideology of regimes is not irrelevant
but it cannot be the guiding principle of our policy. While common values
and attitudes may serve to make cooperation easier, their absence need not
preclude such cooperation if there are parallel interests. Whatever the
basis of a regime, whatever the organisation of its domestic government,
the chief determinant of our relations will be that country's approach to
foreign relations, how it meshes with ours, and of necessity the extent of
the interests we share.
We should strive to deal with other countries, and look to the development
of cooperative relations with those countries with whom we have some common
interests, regardless of ideology. A relationship founded in common interes
is ultimately the only relationship that can be depended upon.
In recent years, abroad as at home, lack of realism has inhibited Australia
from the constructive role open to us. A government does a great disservice
if it encourages acceptance by the people of an unrealistic view of the
state of the world in which they live. At home, the costs of a lack of
realism have become very apparent in the economic dislocation Australia has
suffered. Abroadunrealistic notions that an age of peace'stability had
arrived encouraged a neglect of power realities a neglect which did not
serve our interests.
It is time to move towards realism abroad, as we are at home. Australia in
common with other medium and smaller countries is now facing a more
difficult task in developing foreign policy in a deeply disturbing world
environment. The evidence for concern is apparent to anyone who takes a
realistic and dispassionate view of the world. The aspects of the
international situation which give rise to concern are:-Firstly, the
continued readiness of some states to pursue their interests by the use
of force by the growing influence on the international scene of countries
opposed to the freedom and respect for the individual person on which our
own democratic system is based.
Goodwill between nations would be enormously advanced if all nations could
treat those within their boundaries equally and justly, and if nations
could refrain from forcing their own form of government on others.
But unfortunately, it would be unrealistic to expect that they will do so.
Indeed, the practice of non-interference places a heavy responsibility on
states.
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We have come far beyond the point where anyone can pretend that the
denial of rights to minorities, or of basic rights to majorities, is not
a matter of international concern. It is a tragedy, nevertheless, that
great powers have sought to use problems arising from such situations
not to achieve actively a just solution but to achieve the dominance of
one ideology over another. A second aspect of the world situation giving
rise to concern is the state of relations between the superpowers.
Despite the hopes placed in detente, it has not st abilised relations
between the great powers. Indeed a renewed arms race now looms as a real
prospect. I shall comment on this matter further in a moment. Thirdly, there has
been a spate of criticism, often ill-founded, of the United States which
has reinforced domestic disputes within that country. Disagreement between
Congress and Executive has impaired the capacity of America the only
power which can provide a balance to the Soviet Union to act with full
effect abroad.
Let me not be misunderstood. This is not a plea for any power to be a
policeman for the world, nor to do what small powers should do for
themselves. A country without the fortitude to defend itself does not
deserve help. But having said that I want to draw attention to the
fact that there are many things which only the world's greatest free power
can do. If she leaves them undone, they remain undone.
Fourthly, the internal economic and political problems of many countries
has led to uncertainty in their external relations. Fifthly, there is a
serious problem of double standards in international life. Countries demand
from others standards they do not observe themselves, while too often
judgements are based not on the nature of an action but on the identity of
the actor. Sixthly, problems of energy and raw material supplies have
faced the international community with a novel set of problems which, if
unwisely handled, could add a new set of disputes to the catalogue of
dangers confronting mankind.
Finally, the appalling widespread problems of poverty, hunger or disease.
are not only an affront to human dignity, but constantly threaten discord
and conflict between nations. By no measure can the developed nations of
the world claim that they have acted with adequate foresight to redress the
balance.
The developed countries have pursued a policy of tied loans and tied aidbut
have completely failed to open their markets to the developing
countries which will provide proper returns for their products to the
developing countries. The developed countries are regrettably more
interested in trade between themselves than they are in facilitating
the progress of nations poorer than themselves. They can take no pride
in their actions in this area.
These factors show that a nation does not have to face a threat of imminent
invasion before it has grounds for concern at the international
situation. From our own point of view the primary concern is an internationa:
environment which could progressively limit the capacities of Australia,
her friends, and allies, to advance their interests and ideals: which
reduces options: which almost imperceptibly weakens the capacity to
pursue our interests. and advance the cause of human dignity#
Whether or not such an unfavourable external situation occurs is ultimately
of course, not in Australia's control. But it is not totally beyond the
influence of our policies;
A successful Australian external policy must be flexible, alert, undogmatic.
We must recognise that Australia, a middle power, lives in a world where
power in a broad sense remains the major factor in international politics.
In international politics power indludes not only military strengths.
Economic resources, industrial capacity, population, domestic stability
and diplomacy all contribute to a nation's power and influence in the
world. Australia lives in a world where predominant power is controlled by the
United States and the Soviet Union.
It is a world whose relations also depend however, on the actions of
other major powers China, Japan and the European powers and
within particular regions also on the distribution of power between
middle and small states.'
The international diplomacy of the major powers with which Australia
has to deal has to be understood principally as an effort by these
powers to create a balance in the world favourable to their interests.
It is in the pursuit of a more favourable balance that their policies
impinge on middle powers, st~ ch as Australia, and on areas of immediate
importance to Australia, such as South East Asia, the South Pacific
area, and the Indian Ocean.
We have certain advantages in achieving our international
objectives. One lies in the common interest between us and others in the pursuit
of similar goals. We have, for example, a common interest with the
ASEAN countries that no one power should dominate the region again.
It is not in China's interests that the Soviet Union should become
dominate in the Indian Ocean.
On the other hand, it is not, presumably, in the Soviet Union's
interests that relations between China, Japan and the United States
should be too close.
In current international circumstances it is in the interests of many
countries that South East Asia not become a region of increasing great
power competition.
Such a development would not merely be dangerous to our security.
It would greatly restrict our freedom of action across the whole range
of our foreign policy objectives.
Another advantage we have in pursuing our objectives lies in the fact
that% we have not only relaticn--s of convenience, common interests or
even necessity with a great variety of nations. With some we also have
co-.-non philosophical commitments, and friendships which we can and will
strengthen. 4;
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Our final advantage is in our people and our way of life. For all
its faults, democracy is the best form of government yet devised,
but its survival depends on the will and resolution of its leaders
and peoples, and on a recognition that its values cannot be taken
for granted.
The guiding principle for Australia's role i~ n the world ought to be an
active and enlightened realism. Although our capacities to advance
our interests are limited we should be active and constructive in
pursuit of a peaceful and favourable international environment.
I turn now to consider relations between the superpowers and how
these affect Australia's foreign policy.
Detente It is clear, and it has been clear for a long time, that the U. S. A.
and the U. S. S. R. have, as a major policy imperative the avoidance of
nuclear war.
Their principal common interest lies in limiting the possibilities of
nuclear conflict and ending the wasteful arms race. This interest,
shared by the rest of the international community, gave rise to the
first S. A. L. T. talks and then to the enunciation of certain " basic
principles of relations between the U. S. A. and the U. S. S. R."
These principles were signed in Moscow by President Nixon and Leonid
Breznev in 1972. They included the declarations:
* That the different ideologies and social systems of the two
powers would not prevent them developing proper relations.
* That both countries attached major importance to preventing
situ'ations capable of cau~ sing a dangerous exacerbation of their
relations.
* that efforts to obtain urn-flateral advantage at the expense of
ofthe other were inconsistent with these objectives.
* arnd that both powers would seek to promote condibons in which all
countries would live in -aace and security and would not b e subject
to outside interference in~ their internal affairs. ,7/
Every country which desires peace must wish to see these principles
observed. In an important sense, these principles, far wider than the mere
containment of possible superpower conflict below the nuclear level,
is what the world hoped Detente was all about. After all, earlier
relations between the superpowers also involved a concern to avoid
nuclear war, and Detente was heralded as a significant advance on
this. As understood by people throughout the world, Detente meant not merely
the search for security from nuclear war, but a genuine overall
relaxation of political and military tensions.
Unfortunately, the reality has not matched these aspirations.
It is clear that maintenance of a stable relationship between the
superpowers depends on realistic negotiation and crisis management.
Negotiation is not a substitute for, it is an essential concomitant
of, a stable military balance.
Negotiations will not succeed unless they are accompanied by~ a clear
determination to maintain a balance of forces, and are free from
illusions about the effectiveness of unsupported goodwill.
Our interests are in a lessening of tensions between the superpowers
which only realistic negotiations make possible.
I now turn to consider more closely the roles of the superpowers.
The Soviet Union
The Soviet Union has an immense responsibility before * mankind to
use its power-and influence z. o strengthen the fabric of international
peace and security. It has an historic opportunity to use its
position to help build a stbeand humane international order and
to end the arms build-up. It will be judged by the great majority
of miankind against these stan~ dards. a4. 8/
The Soviet Union is unquestionably committed to the avoidance of
nuclear warfare. Reasonable people can however reasonably conclude
that the Soviet Union still seeks to expand its influence throughout
the world in order to achieve Soviet primacy. Its actions all too
often appear inconsistent with the aim of reducing world tension.
The U. S. S. R. Is actions during the 1973 Middle East war increased
tensions to the point that the U. S. A. was led to put its armed forces
on a world wide alert. The U. S. S. R. substantially assisted the
North Vietnamese to take over South Vietnam. In Angola, the U. S. S. R.
intervened by introducing 12,000 Cuban troops into the situation, and
supplying them.
In the last decade, the Soviet Union has expanded its armed forces
by 1 million. The Soviet navy has grown substantially while the
size of the United States' naval forces has declined.
The Warsaw Pact countries have a major advantage in conventional
forces over NATO. NATO has 70 divisions, the Warsaw Pact has 178
divisions -' excluding the 43 Soviet divisions on the Sino-Soviet Border.
This is a discrepancy of major proportions even when allowance is
made for the difference in the sizes of the respective divisions.
In addition, it would appear that the superior quality of NATO equipment
which served to partially offset NATO's numerical inferiority has
been eroded.
The build up of the Warsaw Pact far exceeds the objective requirements
of defending Eastern Europe.
The Warsaw powers possess the conventional capacity to move into
Western Europe with such rapidity and penetration that the use of even
tactical nuclear weapons against them is now questioned.
The U. S. S. R.' s nuclear armory has been elaborated to a point where
there is considerable debate about the possibility of the Soviet
Union gaining a strategic advantage. .9/
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The Soviet Leaders now have a strategic and political reach a
capacity to influence and even intervene well beyond the periphery
of the established zones of Soviet security interest.
The U. S. S. R. has demonstrated the will to exploit that capacity where
the opportunity offers.
Angola is not the only place affected by Soviet trained and sponsored
movements. The Soviet Union is engaged in a major political offensive
backed by the known presence of force, by training and by propaganda.
The fabric of negotiations with the Soviet Union which we strongly
support has unfortunately had limited success in winning restraint
in this campaign.
President Ford's abandonment of the term " Detente" clearly shows a
recognition that the more extreme claims made for changes in the
superpowers' relationship were quite unrealistic.
Stability is disturbed and tension increased if the Soviet Union
makes geo-political gains through its support of wars of national
liberation, by the use of surrogates.
The time has come to expect a sign from the U. S. S. R. that it understands
this and that it is serious about reaching global accommodation with
the West. A tangible signal is required from the U. S. S. R. in the
form of a restraint in its military expansion. The pace is being set
by the U. S. S. R. not by the U. S.
While the NATO powers' capability remains relatively static, whly
is the Soviet arms build.-up proceeding apace? It is reasonable
to ask: Why does the Soviet Union desire a military power far
greater than any needed -to secure her own frontiers, or the expanded
frontiers embraced by the Warsaw powers?
It is for the Soviet Union to show that the conclusions so easily
drawn from its actions are wrong that its basic purpose is
world peace a world in which different nations can live and
cooperate in harmony.
That opportunity is open to the Soviet Union. It is up to the
Soviet Union whether it pursues that path or whether it takes a
different path which would lead to disturbing conclusions.
The United States
Along with many other countries concerned for their security and
political independence, Australian security is greatly affected by
the role of the United States.
The world cannot afford any reduction of the credibility of the
U. S. Foreign policy. In that way would lie huge risks. The dangers
of miscalculation by other powers could become substantial, not only
for the United States herself but for all those countries which look
to a confident exercise of American policy in the cause of peace
and stability.
America is the only power that can balance the might of the
Soviet Union. If America does not undertake that task it will not
be done. If it is not done the whole basis of peace and stability
is u. nsupported.
Tte Vietnam war and Watergate undermined America's self-confidence
and sense of purpose. Un~ fortunately, a contributory cause has
also been undue world criticism of the United States opposition
by people who ought to hav~ e been her friends and who ought
to have understood Ameri~ a's objectives in the world.
Mutual recriminations about the causes and results of foreign
events, differences between President and Congress on the conduct
of American foreign policy area, are producing concern about America's
capacity to act effectively around the world.
This Government, while maintaining to the full its own independent
national perspectives and sovereignty, will ensure that the ANZUS
alliance with the U. S. and New Zealand does not fall into disrepair and
disrepute.
The interests of the United States and the interests of Australia
are not necessarily identical. In our relations with the United
States, as in our relations with other great powers, our first
responsibility is to independently assess our own interests.
The United States will unquestionably do the same.
The fact remains that of all the gre at powers with active interests
and capabilities in the areas of critical concern to Australia, the
United States is the power with whom we have the closest links.
Those links are based not merely on known common interests in, 9nd
commitments to, a peaceful and stable world, but on common traditions
of democratic institutions and values of respect for the individual.
As long as Australia values freedom and respect for the individual,
the United States is the power with which we can realistically
establish close and warm friendship and with which we can most closely
work to advance world peace and humane values we share.
The U. S. can expect all p-roer cooperation from us in support of
our comm= on objectives.
Although relations between the superpowers are a fundamental
determinant of the world environment, Australia has the most vital
in~ terest in the relations between countries in the areas of critical
concern to us. We are and must be intimately involved in our own
region I turn now to discuss relatisns between cour~ tries in the areas of
critical concern to Australia.
South East Asia
The South East Asian region has been an area of close Australian
concern and involvement for many years.
Our interests are that the region should not become in the future
an arena for great power conflict: That relations between States
should be peaceful and cooperative: That political change in the
area shou-ld not provide occasion for the assertion of a dominant
role by any of the great powers: And that there should be opportunityI
for commercial and cultural exchange between Australia and the
countries of the area.
Beyond these concrete interests, we would wish, within the limits
of our possibilities, to help in the region's development needs
and to be an understanding and dependable neighbour.
Internally, most of -the countries of the region are vitally concerned
with problems of economic development and social stability. Externally,'
they are adjusting to the victories of communist movements in Vietnam,
Laos and Cambodia and the changing roles of major powers with interests
in t'n region. This change has inevitably brought a period of
uncertainty and anxiety for countries in the area.
W. e Share the concern of re= z: onal states at insurgency problems and
at'-continued armed irS-= gencies encourage and supported from
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It would, in our opinion, be undesirable for mutually exclusive
groupings to develop which could foster antagonism at the expense
of economic and social development.
We therefore, have an interest in establishing as broad relations
as possible with countries in the region and this, of course,
means that we stand ready to explore with the new governments
in Indochina the development of relations Qf mutual benefit.
It is critical for the peaceful development of the region that
there should be mutual non-interference between the states and
a commitment to the peaceful resolution of differences. Australia
will seek to play a constructive role in the reduction of tensions
and the resolution of disputes.
Australia has long standing friendships with all Asean Governments.
We welcome the activities of Asean as providing a constructive basis
for regional relations.
We want to identify and develop further areas of practical cooperation
on shared political and strategic interests. We will seek to do so
through our aid programmes, through involvement in regional efforts
to advance economic and social development, and by the promotion
of trade and other economic cooperation.
Australia has a deep interest in maintaining sound and close
relations with Indonesia. The broad relationship is of great
importance to both countries. Relations are such that both countries
can state their views plainly. Both countries have broad interests in
the stability of the region and fundamental interests in avoiding
great power conflict in the region. It is against that background
that we have stated our views on Timor. We support a genuine act
of self-determination in Timor. The very fact that we have stated
our views on Timor plainly is a mark of the underlying strength of
our relationship. Despite differences, a major concern of our policy
will be to continue the friendship we both value.
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We would like to see the development of constructive relations
between the region and countries beyond the region.
The major powers will continue to be interested in South East Asia.
The Australian Government will urge the major powers to restrain
their competition in the region. Restraint will in any case be induced
by the independent national interests of the countries of the region.
Our own role is similarly influenced by what is acceptable to these
Governments. Papua New Guinea
The Government places very great value on Australia's relations with
Papua-New Guinea. The warmth and respect between the two countries
provides a strong foundation for our relationship.
Papua New Guinea's needs will have the highest priority in our aid
programmes. We have recently announced a five year aid programme which
represents a substantial increase in Australian assistance. This
programme has been warmly welcomed by the Prime Minister of Papua
New Guinea.
The Australian Government firmly supports the concept of a united
Papua New Guinea. The unity of Papua New Guinea is of great importance
to the stability of our part of the world.
Japan Japan is of fundamental importance to Australia's long term political
economic and security interests.
Few countries match Japan's economic significance in the global
system and with no country do we have closer economic links than with
Japan. The Australia-Japan bilateral trade flow is the seventh largest
in the world.
Japan's political and economic security is largely a function of her
relations with the great -powers. The role which she defines for
herself will be influenced by the condition of the great power balance,
by her relations with China and the U. S. S. R.
By the credibility of America's strategic role in the pacific, and
by the qualities of her relations with countries like Australia.
But Japan's role will also be defined by the reliability with which
these relations guarantee her access to critical sources of supply
of raw materials and mar1~ ets for her products.
Australia and Japan therefore, share an interest in a-stable,
great power balance in which no potentially hostile power dominates
a region of critical concern to either of us.
We share a respect for democratic institutions.
We have mutual interests in establishing and maintaining reliable
access to each other's markets.
Since the agreement on commerce was signed in 1957 Japan has become
Australia's largest trading partner. Australia is in turn, one of
Japan's most important suppliers.
The Australia-Japan ministerial committee ( AJMC) was established in
1971 as a recognition of the importance of the economic ties between
the two countries, and provides for wide-ranging discussion at the
highest level on matters of mutual interest.
In the light of change in the composition and structure of trade
between the two countries, since the revision of the commerce
agreement in 1963, at the October 1973 meeting of the Committee it was
decided that the agreement should be reviewed taking account of the
discussions on the basic treaty.
As a result of Mr. Anthony' s visit to Japan, there is greater
understanding of the importance of stability of trade both ways.
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Australia also understandis the importance placed by Japan on access
to the markets of the United States and the European community.
These concerns provide a sound basis for a frindly and expanding
relationship between Australia and Japan.
Early in the life of the new Government, the Prime Minister of Japan
expressed to us the wish of the Japanese Government that a
treaty of friendship and cooperation should~ be concluded in the near
future. The Government welcomed this indication of interest
and the negotiations delayed last year were continued.
The negotiating officials some weeks ago agreed on a draft text of the
treaty. It could be expected that the treaty will be signed by
P. M. Miki and myself during my visit to Japan.
The Government also places importance on broadening our relationship
with Japan.
Earlier in this Parliament the Government introduced the
bill to establish the Australia-Japan foundation. The foundation
will have the important role of promoting the study by the people
of Australia and Japan of each other culture and institutions.
Relations between Australia and Japan will be enhanced by the
personal contacts and research which will come from the work of the
foundation.
Understanding between Australia and Japan can play a vital role in
strengthening peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region. Australia
will act consistently to deepen that understanding.
China In moving towards a world in which peace is secure, a vital part must
be played by the Peoples Republic of China.
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The development of China's foreign policy is difficult to foresee.
In many respezt1-s, China remains a great unknown in international
affairs. This is one reason why it is desirable for as many countries of the
world as possible to develop close links with China.
We look forward to a continuation of good working relations with
the Chinese Government both now and in the future.
A realistic view requires us to recognise that despite ideological
differences, there are important areas where our ' interests overlap.
In recent years, China's relations with the U. S. have improved due
to certain mutual interests.
China is clearly concerned at the Soviet role on her northern
and southern frontiers.
Australia and-China have a like interest in seeing that Soviet
power in the Pacific and South East Asia is balanced by the power
of other major states or by appropriate regional arrangements.
We can therefore expect Chinese support for our own views on the
need for an effective American presence in the Pacific and Indian
Oceans. Such support has, in fact, been given.
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While I was in New Zealand, the Pacific Forum countries agreed to accept
the movement of U. S. nuclear ships in the Pacific Ocean area. Such a
decision, of course, reflected each country's independent assessment of
its own interests. China has acknowledged that such an arrangement is in
her interests also. In other areas too, China can make a positive
contribution to peace and stability. We welcome the development of
coaLnercial re2. ati . onship s between China and Japan and look forward to an
expansion-of our own trading tiJes with both. China's attitudes and view
of the world are often far removed from our own. Chinese judgements of
the West, or its systems of representative government and the ideals of
liberty and freedom of the individual seem to us mistaken.
Moreover, China continues to give support to insurgencies in South East
Asia. Australia does not support interference by great powers in the
domestic affairs of smaller countries. We hope that China will give
priority to the development of constructive relationships with a region
which needs to be given every support for stable and effective government
to develop and prosper.
Nevertheless, constructive relations do not depend on agreement on all
aspects of relations but on the development of those areas where there
are common interests. My Government believes that interests of this kind
provide a solid basis for working relations. We shall work to develop
these, as well as improve our understanding of each other.
INDIAN OCEAN
The Indian Ocean is of considerable political and strategic importance
to Australia. It is crossed by sea and air communication routes vital
to Australia. Much of the vital flow of oil to our neighbours, friends,
and trading partners passes through it. The entrance to the Persian
Gulf has become a major focus of international attention.
The objective of a neutral zone in the Indian Ocean, while admirable,
has litl chance of success with the U. S. S. R. significantly increasing
its =--a'nent presence in the vital North West sector of the Ocean.
It is clearly contrary to Aus-ralia's interests for the balance in this
area to move against our majcr ally, the U. S. A.
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It is also against our interests for both superpowers to embark on an
unrestricted competition in the Indian ocean. We seek balance and restraint.
We have supported the U. S. development of Logistic facilities at Diego-
Garcia so that the balance necessary to stability in the area can be
maintained. We also strongly support the recent appeal by the United
States administration for restraint so that the balance can now be
maintained at a relatively low level.
This analysis cannot pretend to be a complete description of Australia's
attitude to all parts of the world, but it would be unrealistic to make
this speech and to refrain from mentioning two preas of great concern
to us, and to the rest of the world the Middle East, and Africa.
MIDDLE EAST
In the Middle East the only future lies in negotiation -in a proper and
broad recognition of the rights of all groups within that troubled aorea..
Of an absolute recognition of the right of Israel to survive as a
nation. And an equal recognition of the problems of the Palestinian refugees'
There have been many wars in the Middle East, but no one has been the
ultimate victor. There can be no ultimate victor. Compromise through
negotiation is essential if there is to be any real settlement.
AFRICA Even more than the Middle East, tensions and problems in Africa grow and
become more difficult the longer they remain without solution. If
movements towards majority rule in Rhodesia are not made within a
reasonably short time-span, the result will be inevitable conflagration
and lasting bitterness. There are a number 6f leaders in Africa who
certainly do not support the white minority supremacy in Rhodesia but
who have no wish for armed insurgency and no wish for ultimate conflict.
They realise that such a solution to the problems of Rhodesia would lead
to lasting bitterness, lasting divisions, and an increased possibility of
domination of the continent of Africa by external powers. The national
leaders of Africa have no wish t.-o see that happen.
I have pre viously indicated in plain terms why we believe the policies
facertheid will not work in telonger term. The greater the success
of the Bantustans, the greater will be their failure to achieve the
objectives they were set up for. The more equal men become in economic
and social matters, the less thcy will be prepared to accept denial of
their basic political and humtan rights. However, we note with great
hope the growing relationship between South Africa and some of the black
nations of Africa. It offers the prospect of a broader and more sensible
solution to Africa's problems.
Within the framework of the Commionwealth of Nations we will seek to play
what constructive role remains open to us and to the Commonwealth to help
achieve a reasonable solution to these intract~ ble problems-.
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
In a world where increasingly complex problems transcend national
boundaries, a commitment to multi-lateral cooperation; particularly in the
field of economic and social development, is an indispensable part of
Australian foreign policy.
We support the United Nations, its Charter, and the work of the various
specialised agencies. We have noted the degree to which the United
Nations has come under attack. Its alleged failings have caused disillusion
and even dismay. Despite the hopes held out for it, grievous problems
between nations remain. It must indeed, be recognised that the United
Nations is still an imperfect instrument for the solution of major problems.
Some disquieting features have become apparent in its deliberations.
These have included the use of confrontation tactics and the curtailment
of the rights of participation of some member states.
However, in our view, a number of the attacks on the U. N. have largely
sprung from an unrealistic view of what the U. N. could hope to achieve.
They also stem from a lack of understanding of the magnitude of the
problems begetting the U. N. because of the sharp divisions throughout the
world. The problems faced by the U. N. in no way diminishes the need for
all nations to support the U. N. and make it a more effective instrument
for peace.
There are in fact many areas where the U. N. has achieved a great deal in
imnproving conditions of life around the world. Australia will make every
effort to help the organisation to expand its effectiveness.
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We shall, be seeking opportunities to work cooperatively within the U. N.
frainework as in other multi-lateral forums. These include the Commonwealth
of Nations. We believe the Commnonwealth has continuing relevance as a
distinctive indeed a unique framework bringing together something
like a quarter of the world's population. As a means of fostering
cooperation and consultation in many varied areas, it retains a lasting
importance. ECONOMIC RELATIONS
one of Australia's most prominent roles in the world is that of an
important trading state. Indeed, with our annual trade worth some
$ 17 billion, Australia ranks fifteenth in the world as a trading country.
Despite an expanding export trade in manufactured products the bulk of our
exports are raw materials and food stuffs. Australia is a resource-rich
country in a resource-tight world. We have energy and raw material.
resources of great importance to the world, and we are one of thefew
food exporting countries.
our position in world trade also implies duties and responsibilites.
Countries which are rich in resources cannot neglect the needs and concerns
of those countries whose principal resource is the energy and initiative
of their people. This Government intends to have a reputation of
responsibility and reliability in its international dealings. I believe
other Governments overseas, whose economies depend on Australia for energy,
raw materials, or foodstuffs, will welcome this.
At the same time let me emphasise that the Government will ensure that our
resource producers receive fair returns for their commodities.
The Government will strive to widen and secure access to overseas markets
for Australian producers. The Government is concerned, in particular, to
improve access to the European community.
The expanded European Community is the largest source of our imports and
the second largest market for our exports after Japan. Raw or processed
minerals, wool and other rural products account for 87% of our exports
to the E. E. C. 13% are manufactured goods. Because the E. E. C. is the
world's largest trading bloc, the trade policy decisions taken by the
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Commnunity are important to Australia, especially as they frequently
affect not only the development of our direct trade but also
our prospects in Third countries.
The decisions of the Community, especially as they affect trade in primary
products, are of course, also of great importance to the developing
countries.
As the second largest economic unit in the world, the Community-has a
major role to play in world economic development. -We welcome the
Community's prosperity and progress, which is also in our interests.
The Government strongly hopes that it does not develop into a narrow
and inward looking grouping but will come to play the role in the world
which other countries expect of it. We welcome the constructive role
Great Britain will play in the European Market, and the more outward-looking
approach she has undertaken to encourage.
There is a great need in general, for more practical recognition of the
significance of international economic relations for the developing
countries. More than any other single factor the developing countries
need access-for their products to the markets of developed countries
which we believe would come to be reflected in more appropriate terms
of trade for their exports.
International trading arrangements which provide relatively free trade
for the industrial products of the developed countries while placing
excessively high barriers before the products of the developing countries,
offer little hope to the poorer countries in solving their great and
grave pxroblems. One of the greatest contributions which could be made*
by the industrial countries to the peace of the world would be
international trading arrangements which provide greater opportunities
for the primary products of the developing countries.
We will cooperate closely with developing the Asia-Pacific region.
But further afield, the Government is ready to concert its activities
with other like-minded countries. In general, we must participate fully
in the shaping of those world economic arrangements which will, in turn,
help Ito determine our own econcmnic progress. In world financial and
currency arrangements, in international raw materials, and energy bodies
we must stand ready to play our part. The answer to these great world
econcmic problems lies in international cooperation. ' Neither an abrasive
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., confrontation between competing nationalisms nor decisions by too narrow
a club of decision-makers is likely to be helpful. Australia will
meet the international responsibilities I have outlined.
DOMESTIC CONDITIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY.
Finally, I come to the crucial relationship between domestic and
foreigj policies.
Given the reality of the world situation it is critical that Australia,
her friends and allies, must be able to bring their capacities
to bear in the most effective way, if their position is not to
be continually eroded in favour of regimes Inore effectively able to
commit resources of all kinds.
The international situation I have outlined clearly requires a
carefully formulation approach to defence policy.
The Government has asked for much more definitive work to be done
in this area, so that defence planning can be based on the most
realistic foundation.
Our determination to act to improve our defence capabilities is
evidenced by the program announced by the Defence Minister
last week.
International policy clearly requires a full appreciation by government
of the economic and social characteristics of the international
environment. The capacity of democratic countries to conduct effective foreign,
defence, economic and social policies depends fundamentally on
the understanding and backing of the people, on their will, and
their commitment.
One of the most critical conditions in securing developments in the
world congenial both to our intersts and to our ideals, is that the
democratic countries should retain their faith in systems of
Government based on the freedom of, and concern for, individual
people.
244
Our capacity to act effectively in the world in the end depends
on our sense of ourselves, on the strength of our commitment to
ensuring that all Australians can live in freedom and dignity, and in
our determin :_ on not to follow the paths of other states where
belie--the capacity and right of people to seek their own goals
is increasingly replaced by am enforced conformity to the wishes of those
who control powerful bureaucracies.
We believe that Australians will wish to take a realistic view of
the world, and Australia's place in it. So long as our institutions
foster a-resourceful and independent-minded people and a society based
on self respect, Australia need not fear the future.
It is here that the Government's domestic policies and long-term
conception of Australia's role in the world are linked.
Our ability to act with maximum effect to realise both our interests
and our ideals in the world depends to a large extent on our
capacity to work together at home.
one of the great tests for the character and stamina of democracies
is whether we can combine individual freedom with the capacity to
acknowledge our responsibility to the common interest, whether we
are prepared to sacrifice some of our apparent short-term interests
to the long-term interests of the whole of the Australian people.
If we cannot work together as a people except under threat of a
clear and present milita : y danger to our national integrity, it is
certai n that we will not be able to advance effectively pressing
natic-nal interests in the world which faces us.
There are common interests which unite all Australians.
interests in a region and a world which is constructively meeting
thie Dproblems which face Interests in an Australia which is
: etitive in world mark= ets.
Interests at home in securinz a return to soundly based growth in
~. economy. Only out o_ such growth can higher real wages and
salaries and improved social welfare provision be paid, without
inflation and unemployment..
Without such growth we cannot meet as we might the requirements
of security and aid.
We will not achieve these objectives unless all sections of the
Australian community are prepared to work together in the common
interest.
The question which faces Australia in common with other democracies
is whether we are going to meet the challenge of cooperation and
mutual restraint required from all the diverse groups in our society.
In achieving success in our domestic policies, the Government hopes
that Australia can be an example of the vital strength of the values
of freedom and democracy which are still pursued and still far
from reach in many parts of the world.
The Government believes that the days of an elite forming foreign
policy in isolation axe long since gone. They depended on a badly
educated and apathetic public that could readily be manipulated.
The people of the Western democracies are not passive, nor
apathetic. The freedom and pluralism of democracies should not be
regarded as a constraint on responsible foreign policy.
On the contrary, free and open discussion, fairly conducted with
respect for the views of others, will strengthen our foreign policy.
A-foreign policy that ignores the realities of the international
situation is irresponsible. A foreign policy which ignores the
intelligence and goodwill of the people, that does not trust its
people sufficiently to explain and seek support of its actions,
cannot succeed.
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The contemporary international situation is a test of the
capabilities of democratic leaderships and democratic peoples.
It is an environment with disturbing tendencies and shifts in
balance. This diffuseness and complexity is the test. In finding our way in
such a world, the democracies must not lose their sense of purpose.
There must be no failure of will or resolution.
The first step towards an adequate response must be a realistic
assessment of the world and Australia's role in it. On the basis
of such an assessment, we can work to advance our objectives of peace
and humanity.
The survival of democracy depends on a recognition that its values
cannot be taken for granted.
Let history not record that this was the age when the democracies
abandoned their faith. 000...