Mr Speaker, the House will recall that on the 18 March this year it resolved to support the government';s decision to commit Australian Defence Force personnel to the international coalition to disarm Iraq. The coalition undertook to enforce Iraq';s compliance with its obligations under successive resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, with a view to restoring peace and security to that area of the Middle East.
Mr Speaker, I am pleased to report that the coalition';s major combat operations in Iraq have been successfully concluded.
Australian military forces participated with just cause, in an action properly based in international law, which resulted in the liberation of an oppressed people.
Australia';s defence forces acquitted themselves with great distinction and professionalism. They rightly won the admiration not only of the Australian people but also our allies.
I know that all Australians will join me in expressing our immense gratitude that no Australian casualties have so far been sustained.
I have been told by many senior members of the Australian Defence Force that the absence of casualties is due, in no small measure, to the predeployment of our forces some weeks before the military operation commenced.
This pre-positioning, added weight to the attempt to pressure Saddam Hussein into compliance and, more importantly, it gave our people the opportunity to prepare and acclimatise – enhancing their performance and their security in the event of conflict.
Not only was the victory achieved quickly but the doomsday predictions were not realised: the oil wells were not set on fire; there were not millions of refugees; the dams on the Tigris and the Euphrates were not breached to bring on catastrophic flooding; there was no long drawn-out bloody siege for Baghdad. For all this we are extremely grateful.
The decisive victory of the American-led coalition reflects great credit on the strength and determination of President Bush';s leadership. It also has immense implications, not least the momentum it has already begun to generate towards achieving a Middle East peace settlement.
President Bush and his administration are determined to all that they can to advance the peace process between Israel and the Palestinians.
The President made this very clear to me during our recent discussions in the United States.
Now that the major combat phase is over and efforts in Iraq rightly turn to humanitarian assistance, we have begun to bring home our defence personnel.
This month we will be welcoming home the HMAS ANZAC AND DARWIN, the airmen and women and support crews deployed with the F/A-18 Hornet aircraft, the majority of the Special Air Service units, the Commando and Incident Response Regiment elements, the CH 47 Helicopter Detachment, and the Navy clearance diver team.
Some military forces are still required to restore peace and security and assist in the rehabilitation of the Iraqi nation.
Our military deployment will be limited given current commitments in our own region. Many other nations have indicated a willingness to provide peacekeeping assistance in Iraq. The government has made clear all along that Australia would not be in a position to provide peacekeeping forces in Iraq. Our coalition partners clearly understood and accepted our position.
However, the following ADF capabilities will either remain or be deployed to Iraq: an Australian National Headquarters element; the HMAS SYDNEY; the HMAS KANIMBLA and a naval task group command element; an Army commando element for a brief period; two P-3C Orion maritime patrol aircraft and support; two C130 Hercules transport aircraft and support; an air traffic control element to support air operations at Baghdad International Airport; a security group for the new Australian Representational Mission in Baghdad; as well as civilian and military experts working on locating and eliminating WMD in Iraq.
Our commitment for this phase of the operation is currently in the order of 1,200 personnel. For Australia, and the families of those involved, this remains a significant deployment.
It is our intention to ensure that the period of coalition control is kept to a minimum and that the responsibility for governing Iraq is taken up by an Interim Iraqi Authority as soon as practicable. This will be the first step on the pathway to representative government.
It is worth briefly recalling the history of events that led to our decision to participate in the coalition';s operations in Iraq.
The cease-fire of 1991, which concluded the first Gulf War, prohibited Iraq from maintaining any biological, chemical or nuclear weapons capability.
For 12 years the United Nations sought to cajole and coerce Iraq into compliance. Saddam Hussein continued defiance of the United Nations Security Council resolutions, even in the face of a substantial military threat, demonstrated that the community of nations had come to a critical point in this long running conflict. If Saddam Hussein was to be disarmed – we had to be prepared to resort to force.
I remind the House, and through it, the people of Australia, that the Security Council was unanimous in its view that Saddam Hussein had continued his weapons of mass destruction programmes, and that Iraq was, therefore, in material breach of its obligations under a long series of Security Council resolutions.
There has always been a fear that the more nations that possess these weapons, the more likely they will eventually be used. This fear is compounded when they are in the hands of regimes that show a total disregard for common humanity and the rule of law, aggressive and belligerent regimes like that overseen by Saddam Hussein.
But the greatest fear is that these weapons will find their way into the hands of terrorists. The events of 11th September 2001 and the atrocity in Bali have clearly demonstrated that international terrorists have no regard for human life. Terrorist organisations like Al Qaeda want these weapons. And make no mistake – if they obtain them they will use them.
Through its actions in Iraq the coalition has sent a clear signal to other rogue states and terrorist groups alike - the world is prepared to take a stand. We do not for one moment regret that decision. It was right, it was lawful and it was in Australia';s national interest.
The government is enormously proud of the magnificent job done by our forces. They have rightly earned the praise of their coalition partners.
Our forces performed superbly in accordance with their very fine reputation for professionalism and skill and courage. I want, on behalf of the country, to record our deepest admiration, our respect and gratitude to all of them. Most of all, I hope that the situation in Iraq can be stabilised relatively quickly and that all our forces will be home, safely and soon, with their families. I am confident that these sentiments are shared by all Australians. They have done this country proud.
I know that the desire to see them home, is felt most keenly by their families and friends. I am grateful that I had the opportunity to meet some of the families over the last weeks.
There is a special bond between the community and the armed forces which serve their nation';s interests. When our forces are deployed to combat, we feel it all the more keenly. At the heart of that bond is the recognition that military service carries a commitment to sacrifice.
When the I visited Qatar last week I let our people know that everyone in Australia is keen to welcome them home as soon as possible. The nation will have an opportunity to show its heartfelt thanks in the near future. All the men and women involved both in the war in Iraq, and the broader international coalition against terrorism, will be invited to march through the streets of Sydney and Perth. I encourage all who are able, to gather and join in expressing our thanks for a successful operation and our unqualified pleasure at their safe homecoming.
In Qatar I had the pleasure of meeting Brigadier Maurie McNarn, the Commander of Australian National Headquarters in the Middle East. I would like to congratulate Brigadier McNarn, on behalf of the nation, for commanding our forces so successfully. While I know that his family will appreciate these sentiments, I also know that their attention will be overwhelmingly focussed on his homecoming, now just a few short days away.
The military campaign in Iraq was astonishingly speedy and effective. It has been a remarkable campaign and a great tribute to the American military leadership. Most importantly, every attempt was made by the coalition forces to ensure that civilian casualties were kept to an absolute minimum. Our quarrel was with Saddam Hussein';s regime, not with the people of Iraq.
We did not only rely on technology, on the use of precision guided weapons, but also on strict targeting policies. Policies which Saddam Hussein tried to take advantage of. It is a cruel irony that the Iraqi leadership had less regard for the wellbeing of the Iraqi people than the coalition forces – how else can you explain the placement of artillery, military communications systems, munitions stores and the like in urban areas, in schools, in kindergartens, in hospitals.
It is a testament not only to our fighting men and women, but also to our Defence hierarchy, that when missions were aborted out of concern for the impact on civilians, such decisions were praised not admonished.
The government also wants to pay tribute to the contributions of the American, British, and other coalition forces. They have behaved and conducted themselves with great honour and distinction. The coalition has, I believe, set new standards of integrity and ethical behaviour in military conflict. This new attitude reflects the reality that the modern military man or woman is as much a conciliator and a peacekeeper as he or she is a fighter.
The speed and effectiveness of the coalition campaign also reflects the lack of organised military operations by the Iraqi forces against the coalition. Perhaps we should not have been surprised by this. It was probably the first signal of the real feelings of the Iraqi people - they were not willing to sacrifice their lives to save a brutal despot.
Saddam Hussein was not Iraq - once they could be sure that his regime was crumbling, we saw in the streets of Baghdad, in the streets of Basra, and hundreds of other towns all over Iraq expressions of joy – the sheer joy of freedom.
Of course for some that joy will be tempered by sadness. Tragically, despite all the efforts of the coalition, there have been civilian casualties. The death of innocent people – especially children – should always shock and sadden us lest we lose our basic humanity. But when we consider the civilian death and suffering in Iraq now, and we are touched by it and grieve for it, we must not forget the deaths and suffering of millions of Iraqis over the past twenty-five years.
Saddam Hussein and his regime stand accused of the most serious crimes against humanity. Since Saddam Hussein came to power in 1979, torture and summary executions have been a routine mechanism of state control.
You would have all read the reports of the most diabolical and cruel punishments. The coalition forces have only just begun the task of collecting specific and hard evidence of these terrible violations of human rights. They have already uncovered considerable circumstantial evidence but the task of gathering proof will be time-consuming, difficult, frustrating and harrowing – especially for the families of the victims.
Despite its dark past, Iraq now has a promising future. But, as in the case of all beginnings, it is a period of enormous challenge.
Security is the most important immediate priority. The people of Iraq cannot consider their future until their day-to-day security is assured. They must be able to go to work, to go to school, to meet, to discuss issues freely.
The coalition must also work to provide basic humanitarian support for the Iraqis. Without secure food supplies, clean drinking water, functioning sewage systems, reliable electricity, transport and fuel there will be little opportunity for the Iraqi people to turn their attention to their political infrastructure
It is critical that the world not believe that the current dilapidated state of Iraq';s infrastructure is entirely due to military conflict. Even before the conflict started, Iraq';s infrastructure was severely degraded. The telecommunications network required urgent attention. Oil and gas infrastructure had deteriorated greatly. Electricity generation was less than half its nominal capacity and, partly because of the poor state of the distribution system, power cuts were common. Water supplies were increasingly vulnerable to contamination by raw sewage, and access to safe drinking water was a major concern.
These deficiencies stem from long-standing neglect. It is salutary to consider that more Iraqi lives have been lost to dirty drinking water than to the recent conflict.
Australia takes its rehabilitation responsibilities very seriously. Our contribution – as in the conflict phase - will focus our limited resources in niche areas where we have expertise and where a concentrated effort can make a difference. We have committed some $100 million in aid. We have provided highly skilled personnel to contribute to key humanitarian planning and reconstruction efforts.
We are keen to play a strong role in rehabilitating Iraqi agriculture, an area where our experience of dry-land farming, salination and irrigation may prove useful to the Iraqi people. Another focus of our humanitarian efforts will be in the water and sanitation sector.
In addition to meeting these obligations, the coalition is working hard to rid Iraq of all weapons of mass destruction. The hunt for these weapons will not be easy. We know that in order to protect them from inspectors, the Iraqi regime broke them up and hid them in their disaggregated condition in different parts of the country.
We are starting to uncover the evidence. We have found what appear to be mobile biological weapons production facilities, just like those described by Secretary of State Powell to the Security Council in February.
It is going to take considerable time and resources to complete the investigation and destruction of the regime';s weapons of mass destruction. But at least we will no longer obstructed by a hostile regime.
Australia has joined the United States and the United Kingdom as partners in the coalition transitional authority in Iraq. The coalition';s aim is to create the circumstances in which the Iraqis will have the opportunity to establish a representative government of their choosing. We are not in the business of imposing a particular model of democracy on the Iraqi people.
The transitional phase will be enormously challenging. Restoring political stability and promoting democracy in Iraq are daunting tasks. Iraq has no history of representative democracy and is marked by significant religious and ethnic divides. It will also take time and sustained effort to overcome the corrosive effects of Saddam Hussein';s dictatorship
But Iraq is a relatively modern and sophisticated country with good economic prospects. Not just because of its oil resources but because its people are strong well skilled and have a strong entrepreneurial ethos.
While it is not for the coalition to dictate the form of Iraq';s new government, we will seek to establish a representative process so that Iraqis can, for the first time, choose their leaders via a process that respects democratic principles and respects Iraq';s religious and ethnic mix. As a committed supporter of the Australian democratic system it should be no surprise that I have speculated that a federal model may be appropriate. But again that is up to the Iraqi people to determine the best way to preserve Iraq';s territorial integrity and enhance the stability of immediate region.
The government considers that the United Nations could play a significant, practical, role in support of the transitional processes.
The United Nations is best placed to help mobilise and coordinate aid efforts, help transfer power to the Iraqis and consolidate international acceptance of the new regime. But the Security Council will need to act much more constructively than it has to date if the United Nations is to have any meaningful role in rehabilitating Iraq.
My talks last week with President Bush underlined the deepening and strengthening relationship between our two nations. The relationship between Australia and America has never been stronger. This relationship is not forced or contrived. We are allies because we are friends – close friends. And that friendship is based above all else on a commonality of views. We share a view of the world that values freedom and individual liberty.
Both our nations recognise the threat posed to our communities by international terrorists. We understand the dangers of leaving the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction unchecked. Our long-standing security alliance with the United States provides a solid and reliable basis for us to cooperate on addressing these issues.
The shared intelligence and the access to cutting edge defence and security technologies that the alliance facilitates are vital to ensuring Australia';s security, and will only become more important in the future.
But neither nation seeks to promote this relationship at the expense of another. The government will continue to develop and enhance relationships wherever and whenever we can see an advantage for Australia. Our national interest is best served by a network of alliances and relationships.
I also wish to place on record my great respect for the strength of leadership displayed by the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair. Australia';s relationship with the United Kingdom is not a relic of history. It is rich and diverse. It extends across so many generations, in so many areas, and has, of course, been reinforced by recent experience.
Without the determination demonstrated by President Bush and his administration, without the dogged resolve of Mr Blair, Saddam Hussein';s intransigence would never have been addressed.
The strengthening of these long-standing and important ties with America and Britain does not mean for a moment that Australia has diminished other important relationships. Indeed, we have been very careful to ensure that our region understands our involvement in Iraq.
Earlier this year I visited Indonesia to consult President Megawati on this and other matters. Although Indonesia has taken a very different position on Iraq, the President did not want this issue to affect our close bilaterial relationship.
She specifically assured me that Indonesia would not view a military operation to oust Saddam Hussein as an attack on Islam.
Other friends and important regional partners actively supported the coalition';s operations – Japan, Korea, Singapore for example. It is wrong to characterise our participation in Iraq as somehow out-of-step with our neighbours.
Mr Speaker, can I return to the question of Israel and the Palestinians. As I have indicated, I drew great encouragement from President Bush';s clearly stated determination to work as hard as possible to achieve a peace settlement between Israelis and Palestinians. Australia has been a staunch friend and ally of Israel for some 50 years, but we nonetheless recognise the imperative for an independent Palestinian state.
I know that this issue is also very close to the heart of Mr Blair.
I have assured both President Bush and Mr Blair that the Australian government will assist in any way it can to achieve a successful outcome for the new peace process. It will not be easy but one thing should be clearly understood and give hope - there is a great determination on the part of the US administration and the United Kingdom to do everything possible to achieve that objective. If ever there was a moment for the Israeli and Palestinian people to seize – this is it.
We hope that the Iraqis too will seize their moment. The sooner we can get them involved in their own governance, in their administration, the better. For only the Iraqi people are in a position to determine what is in their national interest.
This is the first time in my lifetime that the people of Iraq have a real and genuine opportunity to have a free, open and democratic society. I would hope that I speak for everyone in this place, for every Australian, when we offer them our support and assistance in achieving this objective.
[ends]