Governments have many tasks.
But none is more important than the defence of the nation.
None is more important than ensuring the security of the nation.
The men of foresight who drafted Australia's Constitution were clear on this point.
One power they explicitly gave to the new Commonwealth Government was that of Defence.
For 107 years since Federation, Commonwealth Governments have debated, shaped, and implemented the nation's defence policy.
It is a policy that has been through many changes.
And the changes reflect the evolution of the modern independent nation that we now have.
In the pre-World War One era we saw ourselves as part of the Empire - with the words of Andrew Fisher still ringing in our ears down the corridors of time.
In World War One, through the work of Charles Bean in many ways, we began to see ourselves as something different, something unique.
It was the story of Gallipoli - so clearly and directly told by Bean - that helped shaped that national identity.
During the course of the Second World War our defence relationship with the United States deepened and was the harbinger of our future alliance.
The birth of the alliance reflected a new and different stage in our evolution.
Throughout the years of the Cold War, our defence policy clearly cemented our role as a US ally.
At the same time, we increasingly contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations as we began to fulfil our role as a middle power that wanted to make a contribution to a stable global order.
As our defence policy has developed, the role of the press and the historians has been critical.
Perhaps no single individual has been more important than Charles Bean.
100 years ago - in 1908 - he began his career as a journalist.
His first assignment that year was to cover the visit to Australia of the US Great White Fleet.
He did so from the flagship of the Royal Navy squadron on the Australian station, HMS Powerful.
And, after his assignment, he published a book about the experience of sailing around the South Pacific.
But his book was more than a retelling of this journey.
It also contained in it the argument for an independent Royal Australian Navy.
He was not alone in advocating the need for an Australian navy distinct from the Royal Navy.
He was joined by Deakin.
And more strongly by Fisher and the latter's demand that this be a separate command to the Imperial Fleet.
But his writing - even before his reporting from Gallipoli brought him to wider attention - set an example of what quality writing on matters of national security can do.
Early on Bean was making a contribution to the debate about the defence of the nation.
Bean set the standard here.
His was a unique contribution.
His writings about Gallipoli told, in simple, direct language, how Australian men fought at Gallipoli.
He told the story of the conflict from the point of view of the soldier.
He told the real story.
And in doing so he told Australians about themselves.
He told Australians that theirs was a nation to be proud of.
That their representatives in the horror of the trenches of Gallipoli were showing the qualities that made us great - determination, commitment to one another, and courage.
Bean of course then carried this reporting to the next level with the official histories.
The histories are one of the most important and seminal works in Australia's history.
They tell the story of Australians at war.
And they set a new standard for military history writing around the world.
Bean made military history about the men fighting the battles, not only about the generals setting the strategy.
It was a uniquely Australian approach.
An egalitarian military history.
Not one written for the General Staff.
In telling the history so powerfully, Bean also made the military an important part of our history.
More than any other individual, he was responsible for telling the story of ANZAC and making it a thread that weaves its way through the fabric our national character.
Bean is an example of how journalism can be a powerful influence not just on the development of policy - but also in shaping the national soul.
Bean, in his own way, became the narrator of the nation's story.
And in some respects, after Lawson and Paterson, the first narrator of the nation's soul.
Certainly, for me, Bean's history of Australia's involvement in the First World War together with Manning Clark's general history of Australia, had something to do with my own intellectual foundation.
And I believe fashioned some of the primal forces of Australian nationalism.
This is as true today as it was 100 years ago when Bean began his career.
Because in a democracy, it is critical that we have a well-informed national debate about defence policy and the conflicts in which we are involved.
Our military forces today are operating at a very high tempo.
The major combat commitment we currently have is in Afghanistan.
We have almost 1100 Australian troops deployed there.
And, rightly, it attracts the interest of the media.
In recent months we have seen the debate in Australia and internationally turn to the question of whether we are making progress in Afghanistan.
In short, I believe that the answer is that we are making progress - even though this is slow and subject to setbacks.
I would also argue that we must make progress.
I would like to speak tonight about why we are involved in Afghanistan, what we are trying to achieve and how we are trying to achieve it.
Our commitment to Afghanistan is critical.
It is critical because it is clearly in our national interest.
First and foremost, we have seen the dangers of allowing Afghanistan to fall under the heel of the Taliban.
We have a direct security interest in strategic denial - preventing terrorism by denying terrorists free access to Afghanistan - and at the same time helping that nation to overcome 30 years of civil war to become a more stable state.
Under the Taliban, the people of Afghanistan lived in an environment of oppression and extreme poverty with the constant threat of violence.
This was a period where the basic needs of Afghans were left ignored - indeed people's lives went backwards - amid the pursuit of a violent ideology.
It was an ideology that bred hatred.
It was an ideology that brutalised women.
It was an ideology that found fellow travellers in Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda when they were ejected from Sudan.
The end result was the death of 3000 people in the United States in September 2001, including 10 Australians.
The end result was a global terrorism movement that roamed the world and reached into South East Asia, Europe and the rest of the world.
That threat is yet to be eradicated.
In fact, our successes in disrupting terrorism have made some complacent about the threat.
But we should not be complacent.
Al Qaeda and the terrorist groups with which it is linked continue to train.
They continue to plan.
They continue to seek opportunities to attack.
We felt the immediacy of the threat from terrorism on 12 October 2002 when 88 Australians were killed in Bali.
Those behind the attack had trained in Afghanistan.
So, a more stable Afghanistan - one that supports security rather than offers succour to those who seek to undermine it - will make for a more secure world.
This goal is something we share with the 40 nations contributing in Afghanistan.
And it is a goal endorsed by the United Nations Security Council.
It is a goal that has been authorised and is supported by the Government of Afghanistan.
Beyond the immediate and direct threat of terrorism, we have a second national interest at stake.
Working with our partners in Afghanistan, we show that we are a committed to doing our fair share to tackle international security challenges as an engaged middle power and as a real partner in our alliance with the United States.
We are a regional power with both regional and global interests.
It is right for us to play a role in meeting global security challenges.
We do not just talk about security cooperation.
We are also prepared to do our fair share of the work.
It is dangerous work and it is hard work, and our diggers' lives are on the line every day.
It is part of being a real ally of the United States.
It is part of being an active member of the United Nations.
It is part of contributing to a stable international order - and not just being a passive observer of events.
There are, therefore, two compelling reasons for our commitment to Afghanistan.
The first is preventing the spread of terrorism by directly taking on this threat and helping Afghanistan to rebuild itself into a more peaceful and stable state.
The second is demonstrating our capacity to play an active role in enhancing international security - both with our allies and with the wider international community.
If our primary objective is to prevent Afghanistan from again becoming a place where terrorist organisations can find refuge and train and plan, and export their terrorism to other nations, we need to provide the conditions for a stable government to develop.
Afghanistan needs security, good governance and economic opportunity.
This is a long-term challenge and we are in for the long haul.
There will be setbacks along the way.
Success is not guaranteed.
And we offer no blank cheque.
In the short term, the most important task is disrupting the insurgency to allow the Afghan Government space to develop.
It is difficult for any government to deal with a violent insurgency campaign, let alone a government that is new and comes to power with few structures and organs of state in place.
History shows us that counter-insurgency operations take a decade or more to win and a key part is winning the support of the population.
Our troops have shown that you can have success against an insurgency.
But disrupting the insurgency is not enough in itself.
We also need to assist the Afghan Government as it matures.
That means helping the Afghan security sector - the police and the armed forces - to develop.
We need to provide training and support.
We need to show that well trained forces under the command of a civilian government offer the best chance for stability - for the government and for the population.
We need to build the confidence of the people of Afghanistan that they can build a future free from the fear and intimidation of the Taliban.
And we need the support of the Government of Pakistan to ensure stability in its border regions with Afghanistan.
Stability in Afghanistan and around its borders will lead to a better future for the people of Afghanistan, for its neighbouring countries such as Pakistan and for the wider world.
Instability in Afghanistan would put further pressure on Pakistan from extremists.
But what we are trying to achieve is more than just rebuilding the security sector.
Working with the Government of Afghanistan and our international partners and other donors, we are also trying to rebuild a nation.
That means rebuilding infrastructure and institutions.
Hospitals, schools and government organs need to have both their physical structures and their knowledge bases rebuilt.
It is an enormous challenge.
It will take years.
It will require a huge investment of funds - we have already committed $600 million in development assistance since 2001.
The task of rebuilding a nation is still more complex than building security, infrastructure and institutions.
It is also about helping people to rebuild their lives.
Afghanistan needs training opportunities and education assistance for its people so that they and future generations do not have to rely on violence as a means to fulfil their daily needs.
This will also help to curb economic reliance on the narcotics trade.
Afghanistan needs farmers to feed its people.
It needs people with trade skills to help build and maintain infrastructure.
This will all take time to build and it will take assistance from countries like Australia.
We need to help Afghanistan build security, good governance and economic opportunity because it helps us to achieve our goals.
Australia's primary focus as part of the International Security Assistance Force coalition is the province of Oruzgan.
It is just one of Afghanistan's 34 provinces.
It is an isolated, rural and poor area of Afghanistan.
It has some of the lowest levels of primary education and some of the highest levels of infant mortality in the country.
But we have made progress.
Our military forces have had a positive impact there.
Our personnel in the province work with their Dutch and Afghan security partners to provide stability.
In recent weeks Defence has released details of successful operations to target insurgent leaders.
At the same time the Reconstruction Task Force has also worked to build schools, provide basic training in trades like carpentry and has rebuilt bridges and irrigation systems.
Oruzgan Province also demonstrates the importance of having a coherent military and civilian strategy - something that Australia has pushed for in discussions with our NATO partners.
It is not a matter of either or.
Nor is it a matter of one first and then the other.
The civilian and the military are two parts of one strategy.
They cannot be separated.
Either without the other is unsustainable.
This brings some real challenges when dealing with a province like Oruzgan.
It is not that civilian structures have to be rebuilt.
They have to be established.
And they have to be established in a way that recognises and complements existing traditional structures.
Complex power relationships exist in Oruzgan between villages, tribal groups and other interest groups.
All have a stake in the status quo.
The challenge is to work with these groups where possible to build a more stable environment.
To get a long-term solution to Afghanistan's internal tension (both in Oruzgan province and nationwide), there will need to be a carefully integrated civilian, political and military strategy.
The Government of Afghanistan has to win over its opponents and show them that a peaceful future is not only possible but is far preferable to a future of ongoing violent conflict.
As it works to overcome the challenges it faces, the Government of Afghanistan will need our support.
We need to work closely with our partners to achieve the goal we all seek.
Now that Australia has a voice in the NATO councils that set the strategy for the task in Afghanistan we are better placed to make a more meaningful contribution.
The NATO Summit in April in Bucharest which I attended helped to strengthen international commitment.
We welcomed in particular announcements of increased troop commitments by France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States.
We welcomed the United Nations' commitment to increasing its effort and presence in Afghanistan.
And we welcomed agreement on a process to assess progress in Afghanistan.
Given the investment we are making, we need robust analysis of progress.
The International Support Conference for Afghanistan held in June sustained the momentum of the NATO Summit.
At the Conference, the international community pledged 20 billion dollars of support and the Afghan Government launched its own national development strategy.
Our Afghanistan policy is a comprehensive one.
We have a strong military commitment - one that includes training and mentoring as key roles.
We have a broad development assistance program - one that helps to build skills and soft and hard infrastructure.
But the challenges that remain are enormous.
And the resources that are needed are significant.
But Australia remains committed.
We will subject our commitment to annual review against the mission we have set for ourselves.
Against the integrated civilian and military strategy agreed with NATO.
And against the application of those strategic objectives to our particular charge in Oruzgan province.
Where once again I underline publicly the appreciation for the work being done on the ground by our troops and our diplomats in Afghanistan.
Still in harm's way.
All doing their work with absolute professionalism - in the great tradition of those who wore the uniform of Australia before them.
There will be more casualties.
This is a dangerous theatre of operations.
But the mission is important for Australia.
100 years ago C.E.W. Bean became a journalist.
In 1914 he became Australia's first official war correspondent.
And, in the trenches at Gallipoli where he was only overlooked for the Military Cross because he was a civilian, he showed a great dedication to the people around him.
And a great dedication to the truth.
It is a remarkable achievement that Bean was at Gallipoli from the very first day - and as a result of a wound he sustained during the campaign, he carried a reminder around with him for the rest of his life - a bullet in the leg.
It is a remarkable achievement that he followed the Australians to every one of the major battles they were in on the Western Front.
He was determined that the story of the Australian soldiers be told to the Australian people.
And at the end of that conflict - and over the next 23 years - he produced an official war history unlike anything the world had ever seen.
Of course, Bean's efforts also led to the establishment of this great Australian War Memorial.
This great temple to our great Australian war dead.
This temple to the 100,000 names inscribed on its walls.
A temple to the million and more who have worn the uniform of Australia.
Bean's epitaph lies equally in the words of his history and in the stories of this building.
In both, Bean gave the nation its memory.
And in doing so, inspires the nation in the crafting of its future.
C.E.W. Bean - a great Australian who will transcend the ages.