a 0 " THE JOB AHEAD OF US IN ASIA"
Extracts from Speech by the Prime Minister, Mr. Harold Holt,
at Opening of M. R. A. Conference, Monash University, Melbourne
6th January, 1967.
One of the reasons I was attracted to speak to you
today was the theme of your Conference " It's Our Job Australia".
I share your view that the job ahead for us in world affairs
and particularly in the affairs of this region in which we
live is not only tremendously important but for Australia it
is a challenge of comparatively recent emergence.
Three-fifths of the population of the world live East
of Suez and as I've said when I've been travelling overseas,
we can't turn our backs, nor can Europe turn its back, upon
the problems of the people who live in Asia. What was our
Far East in the literature of my early time in public life
has become very much the Near I'orth oT this country.
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
I would like to tell you something, since we are
speaking of our responsibilities internationally, of the way
in which Australia has grown both in influence and action in
this field. For a very long time in the history of our
Federation external relationships had a very limited interest
to the Parliament. It was hard to Let the Parliament to accept
a debate on external matters. You ad some industrial issue
that the whole Parliament would be wanting to speak on, some
domestic industrial issue the arbitration system, the social
services and matters of that kind. In my earlier years in
the Parliament it was a rarity to have a debate on foreign
affairs. Now there is no more popular vehicle for Parliamentary
speech at the present time than a debate on foreign affairs.
In the earliest period we looked to the United Kingdom.
The people who quip me because they say I am all the way with
America, at that time were quipping the Government of the day
because they said we were cIinging to the skirts of Downing
Street if Downing Street could have skirts. You follow
the idea. And people, for their own political purposes,
choose to take a statement made in one context and apply it
far more generally and widely than the facts would justify.
I don't think when Andrew Fisher saidito the last man and
the last shilling", that people interpreted that as meaning
that Australia had surrendered any independence of judgment
and action that it might otherwise possess. And when I say
that we are all the way with America in resisting aggression
in Vietnam, that doesn't im ly that we don't have an independent
mind and judgment on some o these great international questions.
I don't think, if you were to searcA his heart on the matter,
there is one of my political opponents in the National
Parliament who seriously believes that Australia has surrendered
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that independence which a government should possess.
You may be interested to know just how the Australian
activity has grown. In 1901 the Department of External Affairs
was established as one of the original Departments of State;
but there was so little interest in this work in the Parliament
that by 1916 the Department had been abolished. And the function
of the Department was taken over by the Prime Minister. Would
I be correct in thinking it was William Morris Hughes at that
time? He took over most of the functions of that period.
He was said to have ruled Australia with his pen. Jell, as
far as he was concerned, what little there was for External
Affairs to do was going to be done inside his own Department.
And it wasn't until 1935 that it was re-established as a
separate Department of Jovernment. I could give you the
figures on staff which I think are quite revealing, and I
am not going back to the early years of Federation. 3ut in
June, 1946 we had a total staff" in the External Affairs
Deuartment, including those overseas and those in Australia
and certain people locally engaged in quite minor positions
410. By June 1966 twenty years later the 410 had grown
to 1,570. So that you will see that Australia's growing interest
was reflected in the growth of the Department of External Affairs.
When I examined the table on this I thought it might
be of some interest to you. I was glad to find that when
you look at the geographical spread of these posts the largest
number is to be found in Asia and South Asia. There are 19
there 18 in Europe, 7 in North and South America, 7 in Africa,
3 in the South Pacific; and in addition to those diplomatic
Dosts we have trade posts growing, too, quite steadily around
the world, and there are some separate immigration posts which
help us with that programme.
REVOLUTION OF RISING EXPECTATIONS
Now what makes the task in Asia, and indeed in the
under-developed world generally, so exciting at this time is,
if I may quote the words of Arnold Toynbee, well expressed
in this passage. " Our age will be remembered not for its
terrifying crimes or its astonishing inventions, but because
it is the first generation in history in which mankind dared
to believe it practical to make the benefits of civilization
available to the whole human race." And that is not just a
belief held by the more affluent countries, what are inown
in the jargon of the day as the developed countries, by which
we usually mean the highly industrialized countries, but it
is certainly held amongst those countries which are learning
for the first time in history that mankind's age-old enemies
of sickness, disease, illiterac poverty, the lack of
adequate shelter, hunger, that these things can be conquered,
that other countries have conquered them and are going on
to even higher standards.
So there has built up what has been aptly described
as the revolution of rising expectations. And the expectations
are certainly there, and they are complicating international
life tremendously because it is one thing to stage a revolution
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for your reed6m, to establish a separate national entity;
but-it-is a-veVy much more difficult thing to go about te
more mundane an-humdrum task of supplying the needs of your
people. We are-seein' this all around the under-developed
world at this time, whether it is in Africa, in Asia, or some
other part of the globe, that the victory has been won by the
politician. He has secured his freedom, he has secured his
independence. He has a nation to lead. But the people in
that nation are able, through the various modern communications
inedia to see the more affluent and well-supplied
world around them and they want these things. They don't want
them as the end product, as is the case in most of the
developed countries, of centuries of politic al and industrial
evolution. They want them preferably in the next year and
certainly in the next five or ten years. Because it is
humanly impossible to do all these things in that time, the
discontents build up and these discontents provide the
infection for disorder, for challenge, and a threat to the
more stable and orderly forms of society which otherwise
could be maintained in the country concerned. This is part
of the challenge which all of us have to face because we
must recognize the needs, we must recognize tAe consciousness
which exists on the part of the under-supplied people that
their needs can be met, or at least they hope, as Toynbee
says, for the first time in history people dare to hope the
things which they have accepted philosophically perhaps or
with despair in centuries past, that these things are capable
of solution, and there are men, statesmen around the world,
who believe that also in countries which can make a major
contribution. The present President of the United States is
one such man who has a vision, not only of a good society at
home, but a vision of a better world order around the world
as a whole, and is prepared to contribute the wealth, the
technical skill, the co-operation, the assistance of this
country of 190 odd million people to assisting in those tasks.
This year has seen, I believe, a notable progress forward in
the thinking of the people of the United States, and certainly
of the United States administration, in relation to the
possibilities which exist in Asia..
AUSTRALIA'S INFLUENCE
Now Australia, you say there is a job ahead of us and
that might seem on the face of it to be rather large a claim
for a comparatively small country measured in terms of
population to make. but there is force in this, because
Providence has placed Australia in a situation where it can
exercise an influence out of all relationship to the numbers
of our people. In the first place there's our historic
relationship with the United Kingdom. Virtually a family
relationship, and when I go to conferences in London, as my
predecessor and leaders of governments from Australia of
other political persuasions, we are greeted as members of the
same family, and that's the atmosphere in the United Kingdom.
They have always been interested to hear what we've
had to say willing to take our views into their own
consideration, and it was typical that although I was a
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fledgljng Prime-Minister-when Sir Robert retired, in the
first wee4 of my own administration I had personal letters,
or messages,-from Harold Wilson and from President Johnson
asking me to continue the same intimate correspondence that
they had developed with Sir Robert Menzies. Now this doesn't
happen to every country. It happens to this country because
our views are respected. ie are known as people who express
ourselves quite robustly at times, but sincerely and with a
desire to help. And so we do have some influence on the
thinking of these two great powers, more influence I believe
even in my limited experience of just under twelve months,
than most Australians would imagine.
Then there are other reasons why we have a capacity
for influence in the region of Asia. ' e don't carry any
background of colonial power past. I think it's true that
leaders in these countries speak more frankly and freely to
us than they do to the representatives of -' reter powers.
They know that we have no territorial ambitions so far as
they are concerned. We have no aspiration to exploit their
wealth, although the charge on this, I think has been grossly
exaggerated over the years. But we have, and this again is
a bond of sympathy with us, problems of a development kind
which they face themselves and fortunately for us we've shown
a capacity to meet those problems successfully, to build
in a not highly Promising terrain and climate a civilisation
and a standard of living which ranks amongst the highest to
be found around the world. They want to know how we've done
it. They are glad to have from us some indication of the way
we go about things. They welcome the technical assistance
that we can bring to them.
EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES
There are at present somewhere in the neighbourhood
of 15 000 students from the Asian region studying in Australia.
Some 10% of the full-time students enrolled in our universities
are from overseas. Over the past few years, some 50 000
students from Asia have passed through our various eaucational
establishments and they can become, as so many of them do,
good ambassadors for Australia.
Perhaps our most enduring gift to Asia is in the
education opportunities we offer. Asia desperately needs
skilled tradesmen and technicians and better educated farmers
as well as graduates. Blue-collar work does not have the respect
it enjoys in Western countries and training in manipulative
skills still lags far behind needs. And here we are helping
with gifts of technical equipment to colleges with books and
with teachers. Kuching in Sarawak, is only one of the multitude of
examples which could be given. Australian gifts of earthmoving
equipment are being used to train local labour. In
Singapore we are setting out to equip a second technical
school. In Vietnam and Thailand Australian equipment and
inspectors are at work on trade training. And the whole
r range of Colombo. Plan activities from our point of view is
largely connected to the technical assistance aspect or
equipment which can help the countries concerned to help
themselves. FOREIGN AID
It is not only by our own direct foreign aid expenditure
that we can help the developing countries of Asia and
the Pacific. We can help also by bringing their problems to
the notice of other aid giving countries which recognize we
have a good deal of first hand knowledge and contact with
our geographical neighbours.
We have been involved in the aid field in Asia longer
than most. The Colombo Plan set up in 1951 was largely a
product of an Australian initiative, and Sir Percy Spender,
now the President of the International Board of Justice at
The Hague, was the prime mover in getting the programme
established. Early in 1966 we joined the development assistance
committee of the OECD. This committee comprises the major
Western European aid donors, the United States, Japan, and
now includes Australia.
The activities of the Australian Council for Overseas
Aid, established in 1965, has the aim of co-ordinating the
activities of voluntary organizations whose projects-in devcloping
countries supplement in a valuable way the Government's
official aid programmes. Some of you will be aware of the
organizations represented on that council. They include the
Australian Council of Churches Community Aid Abroad and
the Overseas Service Bureau. There is of course a crisis of
people in Asia, and it is one of the harsh ironies or
paradoxes that as we improve health standards where everybody
wants to see them improved, and the expectancy of life in
some countries, we merely add to their problems of supplying
the growing population.
India is a case in point where quite dramatic advances
in the public health field substantially increased The
expectancy of life.
We shouldn't and we mustn't go into Asia seli-righteously
selling ' Western concepts and ways of doing things as -he best
and only course for these countries who have a history and
tradition hundreds of years, perhaps thousands of years,
older than that from which we draw our beliefs. And w9
mustn't assume that ours are the only answers and that they
must change fundamentally all the things on which they hove
built up their beliefs.
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ECONOMIC BACK3ROUND
I came across a table the other day which gave some
facts about Asian nations area, population, gross national
product and average output per person. And it is quite a
fascinating table, if I just run down a column and pick a
few of the countries out of average output per person. You
will see the gap which exists at the present time between
the more affluent and the less affluent peoples of the world.
Australia has an average output per person and in this table
which is taken from an official U. S. Department of Commerce
source we have the highest average output in the region of
1967 dollars per person per annum. That is spread over the
whole population. Burma
Cambodia $ i150
Communist China $ 105
India Indonesia
Japan ( which of course has made tremendous strides
industrially in the years since the First World War, and more
particularly since the Second World War) 4,878. But even at
that most people would, I think, be rather surprised to find
that their average output per person is rather less than half
in value of money than that of the Australian.
Malaysia $ 520 a low figure by our standards, but
a high figure by the standards of
most, nearly three times the output
of people of some of these other
countries.
New Zealand, as might be expected, ranking very close
to Australia, and in earlier years was ahead of us, 1B62,
to our .1967. North Korea
North Vietnam
Pakistan Philippines $ 160
Singapore q$ 450
S. Korea $ 100
S. Vietnam 115
Formosa > 225
Thailand $ 120
Now, if I were to occupy your time by giving you
figures of population as well, and gross national product
figures, you would find some very interesting points emerge.
But I will just give you two illustrations from them. If you
look at this table you will see that India has a population
about 42 times that of Australia, but it has 1' ess than double
the value of Australia's gross national product and on average
output per person in money value approximately 1/ 20th that
of Australia. Indonesia, with more than nine times our population,
has a gross na. tional product only one-third that of Australia,
with an average output per person only -/ 28th that of this
country. Now this doesr't of course reflecthe_ energy and
the industry of people in the countries concerned. There
are hard workers in every country and I suppose there are
some drones in every country. But it does reflect the degree
of industrial development, echnical skill technological
advance that one country is able to generate by comparison
with another And it is one of the reasons why Australia,
with only 111 million people, still counts as a factor,
particularly in the economic life of the world. We rank
amongst the first ten or twelve traders to be found around
the world. The countries of Asia, with the exception of Japan,
have not yet truly reached the take-off point. 3ut despite
this, there are real grounds for hope, particularly if the
area can be kept free of the senseless costs of war, and aid
can be kept flowing into sund and self-generating projects.
There is a transfer in resources from Australia for our own
aid effort. It currently takes place in a number of ways,
through contributions to the World dank and other international
bodies through membership of the Asian Development Bank,
through the Colombo Plan. and through bi-lateral programmes
such as food aid for India.
A major effort from Australia necessarily is made in
the territory of Papua/ New Guinea but our other international
economic aid contributions are substantial. The annual rate
now runs at well over one hundred million dollars, and we
are moving fairly steadily towards what has been stated as
a desired goal of one per cent of gross national product.
At the moment it has moved up to I think 0.64 per cent and
leaves us among st the first four or five nations of the world
in per capita terms in the srant of aid. But the size of
our effort of course is limited by our own vast development
needs. We have a continent the size of the United States to
develop. Our reliance on a fairly substantial inflow of
overseas capital, which accounts Tor about 10% of our total
investment in fixed assets. And our need to greatly expand
the defensive capacity of Australia, both for our own security
and to assist in the joint security programmes aimed at
producing stability in this area of the world.
In the trade field we have taken several steps
specifically designed to create greater market opportunities
for the products of the less developed countries and hence
to encourage their economic development. Imports into
Australia of a range of products of particular export interest
to developing countries are liable to substantially lower
rates of duty than are payable on corresponding products from
developed countries. In addition we have removed or are in
process of removing, tariffs on a large range of handcraft
products produced in developing countries as a means of
assistance to the traditional industries to be found there.
And, as our own industrial base grows, more capital and skills
accumulate, not only for our national or personal benefit,
but for the volume of international assistance we are able to
give.
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POLITICAL BACKROUND
We have to recognize the facts oflife in Asia and
appreciate that were it not for the firm determination of
the United States in South Vietnam and the.. role Britain
played in Malaysia and is continuing to play in the area, the
shape of Asia would be very different from that which exists
today and the promise of the future would be very different
from that we look forward to today. The generous commitment
of these two countries has provided stability and a real
measure of freedom. It has made it possible for many of the
countries of Asia to participate in their own ways in the
political social and economic revolution so necessary for
the well-being of their peoples and so important to us as
their near neighbours.
ASPAC is one example of growing co-operation between
the countries of Asia and we are proud to be included. There
are signs of other forms of co-operation growing the visits
of political leaders, such gathering s the Manila Conference.
We certainly hope this process will continue and that the
work of these organizations already established will strengthen.
Among the more encouraging of recent political developments
I think the following deserve special mention:-
Settlement of the long-standing dispute between
Japan and Korea. These two countries have established normal
relations and committed themselves to closer co-operation.
The close relations now existing between Australia
and Japan two countries quite recently at war with each
other. It is certainly a welcome change. Japan has become
now the biggest purchaser of Australian exports. We rank
second customer of the exports of Japan. . e look to increasing
and friendly links between our two fast-developing countries.
Indonesia successfully overcame the Communist attempt
to seize power. Its new government is concentrating on plans
for economic recovery and development. From the figures I
gave you a very difficult task lies ahead of them. Already
there are attempts being made to give practical assistance
from a considerable number of countries.
Australia has established in recent years warm
relationships with a number of these Asian countries. Even
in the confrontation period we retained links of understandg
with Indonesia. Cambodia is certainl not in the American camp but
we represent them in South Vietnam. Ve also represent the
U. S. in Cambodia. It is quite an interesting development
there and I give a lot of the credit to the French-speaking
mbassador who has established very good relations with
Frime Minister Sihanouk.
We have developed important and friendly links with
Thailand, more particularly over recent years and this aain
as a special interest for us as far as our nearest neighbour,
Indonesia, is concerned, because there has been a long
historic course of friendship between those two countries
and when the confrontation negotiations were carried through,
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it was, ou may remember, in Bangkok that the parties met
and in the friendly atmosphere provided by the people of
the Thai administration, they were able to make very good
progress.
STABILITY AS OUR GOAL
Our goal in Asia is one of stability. That is one
of our principal goals at any rate. We don't mean by that
something passive, conservative or resistant to change.
That in itself carries the seeds of instability and indeed
we have our own strong sense of national drive and independent
spirit and we've supported movements for national independence
in South East Asia. But our concept of stability is a
progressive one. We want in this region a constructive
assured environment in which governments and administrations
can plan and carry through with some certainty programmes
and reforms based on the rational use of resources and
conceived in the interests of the community as a whole in
which public authority is an instrumentality of the public
welfare and is responsive to the needs of the community;
and in which there is prospect of real participation on a
broad basis in economic an social affairs.
Stability brings progress. In South East Asia it is
the countries enjoying stability where conspicuously we find
development occurring, rapid change and reform and a sense
of national vitality and where the forces of modernisation
are most apparent. Another point I should note with you is
that nation-building on this constructive basis requires cooperation
from other countries in the region and a stable
external environment. A number of countries in South East
Asia today are, in fact reaching out towards regional
co-operation as with ASPAC, the Manila Conference, Developmait
Bank and in other ways and are truly entering into international
arrangements for security and defence, economic
assistance for educational and technical benefits. We in
Australia feel a strong sense of common interest and
mutuality of purpose in these matters. Despite the separateness
of our histories and of our cultural and ethnic backgrounds
our national aims and external attitudes are very similar
indeed. Respect for national independence, peace and stability,
economic development, widening opportunities and conditions
of freedom. Now this was summed up well by the distinguished
and able Foreign Minister of Thailand and he said that
although Australia was not racially a part of Asia, it was
considered as so because of the friendly interest she showed
in the welfare of the people of Asia.
aain, President Marcos, at the Summit Conference at
Manila had this to say about it: " The participation in this
meeting of the Prime Ministers of Australia and New Zealand
is a hopeful agry. These two freedom-loving nations are
our neighbours by the accident of geoeraphy but our friends
and partners by deliberate choice. They are as fully
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committed as ourselves to the freedom of Asia and to the
attainment of the secure and just peace indispensable to the
economic development of these combined nations. They have
much to contribute to the attainment of our common goals."
And that I think demonstrates that Australia has been
doing something of the job which your conference feels is the
responsibility that lies ahead of us.
I conclude by speaking of the goals that were set
out in one of the documents which emerged at the Manila
Conference. It was called the Joals of Freedom. It said
there, the seven nations gathered in Manila, declare
our unity, our resolve and our purpose in seeking together
the goals of freedom in Vietnam and in the Asian and Pacific
area." That document which I believe to be historic in its
impact and its implications, recites that the goals are:
" To be free from aggression. To conquer hunger,
illiteracy and disease. To build a region of
security, order and progress. To seek reconciliation
and peace throughout Asia and the Pacific."
If we can live up to those goals, all of us, not only
Australia but others in the region, then I believe we shall
be doing our job. 4