PM Transcripts

Transcripts from the Prime Ministers of Australia

Howard, John

Period of Service: 11/03/1996 - 03/12/2007
Release Date:
16/11/1998
Release Type:
Interview
Transcript ID:
10681
Released by:
  • Howard, John Winston
TRANSCRIPT OF THE PRIME MINISTER THE HON JOHN HOWARD MP ADDRESS TO THE APEC BUSINESS SUMMIT FOLLOWED BY A QUESTION AND ANSWER SESSION PUTRA WORLD TRADE CENTRE, KUALA LUMPUR

E&OE.......................................................................................................

PRIME MINISTER:

Mr Chairman, to the President of Korea, to the President of Peru,

Ladies and Gentlemen. I would like to commence my brief remarks by

welcoming the President of Peru attending for the first time, as the

Leader of a new member of APEC. As the Leader of a country which has

been relatively untouched by the economic downturn that has afflicted

the Asian Pacific region over the last eighteen months, let me register

one or two observations.

The first of those is that Australia is very conscious of the devastating

social impact of the economic downturn in so many of the nations of

the Asian Pacific region. And Australia is also acutely aware of the

painful adjustment process that has been undertaken in so many of

those countries, and I am full of personal, and on behalf of my government,

national admiration for the steps that have already been undertaken

by so many of the Leaders in this region. We understand that it has

not been easy and we understand the political courage involved and

the economic pain also involved in that process.

In preparing for this Leaders' meeting, my thoughts have really

been centred in four areas. The first of those is that we should collectively

reaffirm our commitment to open markets, the second is that we should

adopt, where possible, policies that will promote growth. Thirdly,

we should strengthen economic and financial sector management in our

economies, and finally we should take action to improve the international

financial system.

It has to be acknowledged that the Trade Ministers' outcome on

EVSL was second best from an APEC point of view, but at least the

process is moving forward, and that decision has to be understood

against the background of the difficulties that I referred to a moment

ago. I think we all understand the need to promote national policies

which encourage greater economic growth, and we all have different

stories to tell in relation to that. But the burden of my remarks

really falls in relation to the third and fourth points that I made.

The need to strengthen economic and financial sector management is,

in my view, paramount if investor confidence is to be restored. And

this must mean building up the institutions of economic governance

by adopting international best practice and by adhering to codes in

areas such as banking supervision, securities regulation and fiscal

transparency. To further this goal I announce today an Australian

Government initiative on financial and economic management.

The initiative involves a commitment of $50 million dollars over three

years. It builds on the APEC survey we did on economic governance.

It will help APEC members take practical steps to strengthen economic

and financial management. Examples of what we have in mind include

training for central bank officials and technical assistance with

issuing government bonds. This initiative complements other initiatives

which have been independently implemented by private sector participants.

For example, the Australian Securities Institute has formed a joint

venture with a Malaysian fund manager to provide courses to improve

the country's financial industry skills.

My final area of concern is to ensure that urgent action is taken

to improve the international financial system. I see three priority

areas requiring immediate attention. Firstly, disclosure and monitoring

of hedge funds. Secondly, crisis management and private sector involvement,

an IMF anti-contagion contingency funding. We certainly need prompt

action on the first two, and possible actions could involve a taskforce

of experts led desirably by the United States to develop practical

proposals to better control short term capital flows, particularly

hedge-funds, and also a working group focused on either the G22 or

APEC to develop proposals for crisis management, principally the orderly

workout arrangements for sovereign and corporate debt.

In this connection I would like to emphasise the importance that G22

can play. Unlike G7, it has broad representation and has a strong

Asian voice. I think there may be value in G22 leaders meeting when

there are outcomes in this context to ratify.

Before sitting down, could I just make a point about globalisation.

There is, of course, a lot of debate about the impact of globalisation,

particularly against the background of what has happened over the

last eighteen months. Without detracting from what I said at the beginning,

let me emphasise that globalisation is inescapable and there is a

responsibility on governments to provide a well-balanced explanation

to their domestic and to their world constituency of the advantages

of globalisation. There will inevitably be adjustment costs in both

developed and developing economies and all governments have to deal

with this. But we should never lose sight of the enormous benefits

of globalisation. Indeed much of East Asia's remarkable growth

over recent years has been built on the benefits of a global economy

and what it has brought in terms of investment, technology transfer

and rising living standards. And that experience should be set against

the understandable concerns about the developments over the last eighteen

months.

Thank you.

QUESTION:

Thank you Mr Chairman, distinguished leaders, I am a delegate from

the Bank of China. As you may have noticed, Bank of China is one of

the platinum sponsors of this summit. The notion behind our sponsorship

is quite clear, that we shall do our best to encourage and promote

the business into actions and exchanges all over the world, so we

can benefit from such kind of interactions and exchanges. But, we

have also noticed that what a single business entity could achieve

is rather limited as compared to what could be done on the inter-governmental

level. So in this regard I would like to have your opinions and point

of views regarding the past performance, its effect in this of the

APEC, and based on its performance, and what is your view about the

future of APEC. Will it be corrupt into another talk-shop? It could

be a question to any of you or all of you.

PRIME MINISTER:

Well Sir, I certainly don't see APEC just becoming another talk-shop.

There's always a danger with any organisation, any grouping such

as this, that that will happen. I think APEC has achieved an enormous

amount in focusing the attention of a remarkably diverse group of

countries on the benefits of trade liberalisation. It's very

important that APEC never sees its role as being to duplicate the

institutional behaviour of other international groupings.

There's always a tendency to see APEC perhaps in the context

of duplicating the role of the IMF or the World Bank. It certainly

shouldn't attempt to do that. It was established as a body to

promote trade liberalisation. I expressed some disappointment in my

speech about the Trade Ministers' conclusion in relation to the

EVSL and I don't retreat from that, but I think it's important

that we still see the decision that was taken as a move forward and

that we take the opportunity at this meeting of focusing on some of

the more positive outcomes in the area of economic governance, of

financial management, and the like.

It is the case that many of the members of APEC have passed through

the most difficult economic experience that they've had for thirty

or forty years. It's therefore not surprising that there would

be some domestic political strains in the member countries, in relation

to the impact of the economic downturn, and what comes out of APEC

has to be seen against that background. I'm an optimist about

APEC. It has focused the attention of governments of various political

persuasions in my country, as well as in many other countries, on

the benefits of trade liberalisation.

The biggest single challenge for political leaders in relation to

trade liberalisation is to explain its benefits. It's incredibly

easy to explain the disadvantages, or let me not so much say explain,

but to promote resentment about the disadvantages of trade liberalisation.

It's far easier to point to an industry that has closed down

because of import penetration. It is far harder to point to an example

of an industry that is gaining new markets as a result of them being

opened as a consequence of trade liberalisation. And if I had a message

to the business men and women here today, I would say that if you

believe in APEC, and you believe in the cause of trade liberalisation,

you have a responsibility along with your political leaders to explain

the benefits of trade liberalisation, because if you don't, you

will lose the argument.

QUESTION:

I want to pose a question to President Kim of Korea. Is he satisfied

with the IMF measures which have been introduced into his country?

And if he's not satisfied, what would he have done? And secondly,

is there any danger of his country, since its opening the banks and

other institutions and businesses to foreign participation, is there

any danger of his country losing its economic independence?

CHAIRMAN:

May I please ask President Kim to respond to that question, and of

course Prime Minister Howard too, if he wishes to respond?

PRIME MINISTER:

I think the only thing I'd add, Mr Chairman, to that is that

I don't think for some years now has it been possible to speak

of any country in the world having complete economic independence.

I don't think in the present circumstances, or in the recent

past, countries that have suffered a severe economic downturn have

had any realistic alternative other than to accept assistance from

the International Monetry Fund. I think Korea responded in a very

intelligent fashion. The IMF bailout, to which Australia was a very

willing contributor, has certainly stabilised the economy of Korea.

We see that as beneficial, not only for the people of Korea, but also

so far as our own participation is concerned, very beneficial for

the people of Australia. Korea, I am very happy to say, is one of

Australia's major purchasers, in fact our second best buyer in

the whole of the Asian Pacific region, and it's just an example

to me of the inter-dependence of the region and the fact that that

kind of economic cooperation within the region is an example of a

sophisticated response to a neighbour's economic difficulty,

and issues of economic independence and economic sovereignty don't

really come into it. It's a question of international common

sense.

QUESTION:

My name is Richard Drabnik from the University of Southern California

in Los Angeles. President Kim and President Fujimori and Prime Minister

Howard all talked about the inter-relationship between finance and

trade and finance and liberalisation, my question is a structural

one. The finance ministers from the APEC economies are not here in

Kuala Lumpur, and they will not meet until six months from now perhaps,

and my question is, how do the Presidents and Prime Ministers interact

with their Finance Ministers in a systematic way to bring to the table,

the ideas and concerns that you have collectively, and that the Finance

Ministers will have collectively, what are the mechanisms for the

APEC process to work more smoothly between the political leadership

at the highest level and the Finance Ministers.

PRIME MINISTER:

Well Sir, just speaking for my own part and for the Australian experience,

we of course operate in very close collaboration, and the views that

I express here are the views of my entire government on these matters

and they're very much in synchronisation with the view of our

Finance Minister, which we call our Treasurer, although we do have

a Finance Minister but he doesn't discharge the responsibilities

of a Finance Minister in the APEC context, and very much the views

of our Federal Treasury, there's really no lack of information

flows within the Australian Government and I don't think there's

going to be any real difficulty in the views that I will be expressing

at this meeting, likewise being expressed and communicated by our

Treasurer when he comes to the meeting of APEC Finance Ministers.

QUESTION:

I come from China. I have to say that I'm very thrilled to have

a face-to-face discussion with country leaders, and that is my pleasure.

I would like to address three questions, very simple ones. I have

learned that President Clinton is not going to show up and attend

this APEC meeting, and I would like to ask the first question to the

two country leaders on the panel. What's your feelings about

that because the Iraq crisis he can't come? What's your

feeling? And the second question is, without President Clinton attending

this APEC what kind of influence will there be on the Leaders'

Meeting? Will the impact be more negative or will it be more positive?

And the third question is, between the Iraq crisis and this Asian

or global financial crisis, who is more in crisis?

PRIME MINISTER:

Mr Chairman, it's always good to have the President of the United

States at an international gathering but speaking for the Australian

Government I completely understand why he has regrettably felt unable

to come to this meeting. I'm quite certain that the meeting will

be a very productive and positive one, and that Vice President Gore

will fill his shoes very effectively.

As to comparing the two crises, I agree with my colleague from Korea,

you can't really compare them. There are vital interests at stake

for the entire world in relation to the two of them, they are entirely

dissimilar and I wouldn't seek to establish a hierarchy of threat

between the two of them. They're both quite serious and they're

both very important, and there are vital world interests at stake

in both of them.

QUESTION:

I am a Korean student currently studying at the International School

of Kuala Lumpur. My question is how can APEC nations protect their

currencies from rapid increases and decreases, even as they promote

freer financial markets and attract increased foreign investment to

the region?

PRIME MINISTER:

Well Sir, a certain amount of volatility is an unavoidable consequence

of an open exchange rate system and nothing that I said about the

desirability of examining some measures in relation to capital flows

and hedge funds should be taken as altering that fact. I don't

think any country, be it a developed country or a developing country,

or one that's been touched or relatively untouched by the recent

international economic crisis, is immune from currency fluctuations

and currency instability.

There does seem to be a mistaken belief in some quarters, that in

some way you can regulate your way out of adverse international judgements

being made against your economy. That can't happen, the days

of that occurring perhaps never existed, and they certainly aren't

going to return, so I think my answer to you is that it's just

not possible to insulate the currency of any nation against a certain

degree of volatility. I think there is a case for seeing if you can,

as it were at the margin, monitor and control the severity of that

volatility, but not imagining that you can get rid of it altogether,

because that is utterly unrealistic and it is quite incompatible with

an open exchange rate system, and quite incompatible with the essentially

globalised world economy in which we now live.

QUESTION:

I'm from the International School of Kuala Lumpur, and I was

just wondering how can APEC improve the educational systems and employment

opportunities for young people in the member nations, and how are

your countries approaching this issue?

PRIME MINISTER:

I think it's very important when we're looking at APEC not

to assign to it too many specific tasks above and beyond the task

of promoting trade liberalisation, and above and beyond the task of

improving the general economic health and stability of the financial

systems and the economic systems of the member countries. I don't

say that because I regard fostering educational opportunities as being

unimportant, indeed I'm very conscious speaking as I do in the

Malaysian capital, over the last decade something like 150,000 Malaysians

have had their education within my country, and we continue to regard

the access of people from this region to Australian schools and to

Australian universities, as a very important part of our participation

as a good neighbour in the Asia Pacific region. The scope for promoting

that kind of thing is best, in my opinion, done through different

forums on a bilateral basis between individual countries. I think

it's important to keep the focus of APEC as much as possible

on the trade liberalisation goals and the general economic health

and strength of the member countries. That, as I say, is not to in

any way down play the education role, it's simply to see it as

being responded to in another context.

QUESTION:

I would like to put this question to both the APEC leaders. During

the experience of the past eighteen months, what is the opinion of

the two APEC leaders present here, President Kim Dae Jung of Korea

and Prime Minister Howard of Australia, as to the proposal that there

should be some type of supervisory structure to regulate the activities

of international currency traders?

PRIME MINISTER:

Well, my view is that the idea of any elaborate supervisory structure

is probably not desirable. There is an argument to develop some responses

to the repetitive capital flows and the activities of some hedge funds.

I think it is fair to say that because of the activities of some of

these, a number of countries paid a much higher price and suffered

a great deal more than they deserved to. And I can understand the

concern of those countries, but you either believe in an essentially

open economy around the world, an open currency system, or you don't.

And I think once you start talking about elaborate supervisory structures

you do start to run into some difficulties. I think the sort of proposal

that I outlined in my brief remarks represents the distance that we

ought to be willing to go, but once we start going significantly further

than that, I think we will run into some fundamental incompatibility

with the sort of open trading system and open currency system in which

I think most of us in this room still believe.

[ends]

10681